




















**"* 












,< Xc 






■ 









1 ** 









++ ? 















TERENCE'S ANDRIAN. 



TERENCE'S 

A N D R I A N, 

& ©omrirg, in fib* &cts, 



TRANSLATED INTO 



ENGLISH PROSE, 



WITH 



CRITICAL AND EXPLANATORY NOTES, 



W. R. GOODLUCK, Jun. 



The Athenian and Roman plays were written with such a regard to morality, 
that Socrates used to frequent the one, and Cicero the other. 

Spectator; No. 440, 



LONDON: 



PRINTED FOR LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROW N, 
PATERNOSTER-KOW, 

1820, 



^ 



LONDON: 

Primed by W. Clowes, Northumberland-court. 



/a-3<jtt>1 



5^ 



PREFACE. 



IF an apology for the following trans- 
lation cannot be found in the work itself' 
i would be to little purpose to insert it 
n the Preface. I have attempted to 
/esent to the public the most cele- 
brated dramatist of ancient Rome, in 
such a dress as may enable the English 
reader, learned and unlearned equally, 
to relish, in his own language, the 
beauties of this great poet. Though 
the original is composed in verse, I 
have employed prose in this translation, 
because the verse of Terence approaches 
so very nearly to prose, that in prose only 
is it possible to adhere faithfully to the 
words, and particularly to the style of 
our author ; as we have in our language 
a 



11 PREFACE. 

no measure of verse at all corresponding 
with that used by Terence. 

To the learned reader, the number of 
the subjoined Notes may, perhaps, 
seem excessive ; and the minuteness of 
description which characterizes many of 
them, may appear unnecessary; but, 
though this work was not written pro- 
fessedly for the schools, yet the Notes 
were not composed entirely without a 
view to the instruction of the young 
student; and, as translations are sup- 
posed to be made chiefly for the use of 
the unlearned, who cannot be expected 
to be much acquainted with the man- 
ners and customs of the ancients; I 
thought it better, if I erred at all, to 
err on the safe side, and to repeat to 
some of my readers something that they 
knew before, rather than run the risk of 
permitting any one of them to remain 
unacquainted with it altogether. A 
French translator of Terence, the 
learned and indefatigable Madame Da- 



PREFACE. Ill 

cier, has judged a still greater number 
of Notes than I have subjoined in this 
work, necessary to elucidate various 
passages in her translation of the play 
of the Andrian, and of Suetonius's Life 
of our author. One remark may be 
added on this subject ; it must be con- 
sidered that many of the explanatory 
Notes affixed to the play of the Andrian, 
tend to the general elucidation of the 
various passages in the remaining five 
plays of Terence; and I think I may 
venture to hope, that the Notes in ge- 
neral, will, in many instances, be found 
useful in the exposition of many passages 
in the Latin and Greek classics. 

I am induced to publish this play 
singly, with a view of ascertaining whe- 
ther a translation of Terence's comedies 
on this plan may meet with sufficient 
approbation to encourage the appear- 
ance of the remaining five plays : as I 
propose to give a complete translation 
of the works of this celebrated author, 

a 2 



IV PREFACE. 

if the present attempt should be ho- 
noured with a favourable reception. I 
may say, in the words of Terence him- 
self, 

" Favete, adeste sequo animo, et rem cognoscite, 
Ut pernoscatis, ecquid spei sit reliquum, 
Posthac que^s faciei de integro comoedias, 
Spectanda?, an exigendoe sint vobis prius." 

And now deign to favour the play with your at- 
tention, and give it an impartial hearing, that you 
may know what is in future to be expected from the 
poet, and whether the comedies that he may write 
hereafter, will be worthy to be accepted, or to be 
rejected by you. — Prologue to the Andrian. 

These lines contain very strong pre- 
sumptive proof that the Andrian was 
Terence's first production ; and, for that 
reason, it has been selected for this 
essay, and not on account of its being 
supposed to be superior to his other 
plays : for so great, so steady was the 
equality of this poet's genius, that no 
critic of eminence, ancient or modern. 



PREFACE. V 

could ever yet venture to assign to any 
one of his plays a claim of superiority to 
the rest. The celebrated Scaliger has 
asserted that there were not more than 
three faults in the six plays of Te- 
rence. 

The ancients seem to have been least 
partial to the Step-mother : Volcatius 
says, 

" Sumetur Hecyra sexta ex his fabula." 

The Step-mother is reckoned the last 
of the six. This was the only piece 
written by our author, in which the plot 
was single ; and the want of a double 
plot, which the Romans then preferred, 
was, doubtless, the reason of its being- 
postponed to Terence's other produc- 
tions. 

The force of custom has given autho- 
rity to an erroneous disposition of these 
comedies, which are usually printed in 
the following order : 

a 3 



VI PREFACE. 

The Andrian, 
The Eunuch, 
The Self-tormentor, 
The Brothers, 
The Step-mother, 
The Phormio. 

They were written and represented at 
Rome as follows : 

Year of Rome. 

The Andrian .... 587 

The Step-mother . . • . 588 
The Self-tormentor . . 590 

The Eunuch 592 

The Phormio 592 

The Brothers 593 

The original cause of the order of 
these plays being changed by the an- 
cient transcribers is not known ; though 
it is conjectured that they classed them 
thus, that the four plays taken from 
Menander might be placed together. 
This leads me to mention Terence's 
close imitation of the Greek dramatists, 



PREFACE. VU 

amounting, in fact, to a partial transla- 
tion of them ; and it is necessary to bear 
this in mind during a perusal of his 
writings, lest, under the impression that 
his author wrote originally in Latin, the 
reader should forget that the scene is 
always laid in Greece ; that the persons 
of the drama are not Romans but 
Greeks; and that, consequently, the 
manners, customs, names, and things* 
there mentioned, are almost uniformly 
Grecian. 

Roman literature had emerged from 
obscurity just previous to the times 
of Terence : that sun, which was des- 
tined to shed its splendour over all future 
ages, was then scarcely risen from the 
darkness which shrouded it during the 
rude infancy of the Roman common- 
wealth ; and even for a long period 
after Rome assumed the highest rank in 
the scale of nations. Livius Androni- 
cus, the first poet of eminence, wrote 
dramatic 'pieces in the year of Rome 
a 4 



Vlll PREFACE. 

513. He was followed by Naevius, En- 
nius, Tegula, and Caecilius ; next comes 
Pacuvius, who excelled in tragedies ; 
then follow Plautus and his" cotempo- 
raries Plautius, Aquilius, andAcutius; 
and, lastly, Terence brought the Latin 
drama to its highest perfection about the 
year of Rome 590, eighty years after its 
first appearance. But, in Greece, dra- 
matic writing had attained the highest 
pitch of excellence under Menander, 
more than one hundred years before ; 
and the Latin poets copied most closely 
from the refined writings of the Greeks. 
At that time, and for many years after, 
Greek was almost as much in fashion at 
Rome, as French has of late years been 
in fashion in England : it formed a ne- 
cessary branch of a polite education ; 
and many of the Romans quitted their 
native city, and resided in Greece a 
considerable time, for the purpose of 
perfecting themselves in the Greek lan- 
guage, and enjoying the advantage of 



PREFACE. IX 

associating themselves with the philo- 
sophers and other learned men of that 
country. 

Our author, therefore, complied with 
the taste of the age, and no man suc- 
ceeded better in making the Greek 
poets speak Latin. He copied chiefly 
from Menander : the four entire plays, 
the Andrian, the Eunuch, the Self- 
tormentor, and the Brothers, were taken 
from the writings of that great poet, as 
were also some parts of the Step-mother 
and the Phormio. 

Terence's great rival in dramatic fame 
was Marcus Accius Plautus, who flou- 
rished a few years before him ; and has 
left twenty comedies replete with wit 
and spirit. To draw a comparison at 
length, between these great poets, 
would be an undertaking: bv no means 
suited to a Preface ; and far more ar- 
duous than I should at present feel pre- 
pared to enter into : the learned Ma- 
dame Dacier very happily observes, 
a 5 



t PREFACE* 

*'. II est certain qu'il n'y a rien de plus 
difficile que cette espece de critique qui 
consiste ajuger des hommes, et a faire 
voir les avantages qu'ils ont les uns sur 
les autres. II y a tant d'egards k ob- 
server ; tant de rapports a unir, tant de 
differences a peser, que c'est une chose 
presque infinie ; et il semble que pour 
s'en bien acquitter, il faudroit avoir une 
esprit superieur a ceux dont on juge, 
comme il est n^cessaire que la main qui 
se sert d'une balance soit plus forte que 
les choses quelle veut peser/ 5 — -It is 
certain, that no species of criticism is 
more difficult than that which con- 
sists of judging generally of an author; 
and in pointing out those excellencies, 
in which he is superior to other writers. 
There are so many points to be consi- 
dered, so many similarities to be com- 
pared with each other, so many dif- 
ferences to be weighed against each 
other, that the task is almost endless ; 
and appears to require talents superior 



PREFACE. XI 

t© those of the person whose produc- 
tions are to be criticised ; as the hand 
which holds the balance ought to pos- 
sess a power more than equal to the 
weight of whatever is to be placed 
in it. 

Most of those critics who have under- 
taken to compare Terence and Plautus 
with each other, have, on a general 
estimate of their merits, decided in 
favour of Terence ; though in one or 
two particular excellencies they allow 
Plautus to have surpassed him. They 
judged Plautus to be chiefly recom- 
mended by his humour, by the amusing 
variety of his incidents, by the liveli- 
ness and spirit of his action, and by his 
rich, agreeable, and witty styie. . Te- 
rence they praise for his delicacy of 
expression, his unequalled skill in the 
delineation of characters and of man- 
ners, and in the construction and ma- 
nagement of his plots, for the well- 
*imed introduction of his incidents, and 
a 6 



Xll PREFACE. 

for the evenness, purity, and chaste- 
ness of his style. 

Terentio non similem dices qaempiam. — Afranius. 
Terence stands unrivalled. 

One natural defect the critics have 
charged Terence with, and only one, 
viz., the want of what the ancients 
called the vis comica, which is usually 
interpreted humour : and, in this requi- 
site, they judged him to have fallen 
short of Plautus. One fault also is ob- 
jected against him, being no less than a 
direct breach of the rules of dramatic 
writing; which is, that he makes the 
actors directly address the audience in 
their assumed characters ; as in the 
fourth scene of the first act of the An- 
drian, and also in the last scene of the 
last act. Against the latter charge, no 
defence can be made, except we urge 
the authority of custom; but the im- 
putation against our author of a want 



PREFACE. Xlll 

of humour may, in a great measure, be 
repelled. 

The vis comica of the ancients, though 
we translate it by the word humour, which 
approaches nearer to its true signification 
than any other expression in our lan- 
guage, could not have been exactly the 
same kind of humour with that of our own 
times ; which has been usually considered 
as peculiar to the English drama, and has 
not even a name in any other modern 
language. If we allow the vis comica, or ' 
comic force, to be divided into two 
species, namely, the vis comica of the 
action, and the vis comica of the dialogue, 
(and is there not a humour of action, as 
there is of words?) we must also allow, 
that Terence's writings, far from being 
devoid of the humour of action, are re- 
plete with it throughout. The Eunuch, 
particularly, abounds with this kind of 
humour, especially in the eighth scene 
of the fourth act, where Thraso forms 
his line of battle; and, in the fifth, 



XIV PREFACE. 

sixth, and seventh scenes of the last act, 
between Laches, Pythias, and Parmeno, 
which are specimens of the vis comica of 
action, not inferior to many of the witty 
Plautus's attempts to exhibit this spe- 
cies of dramatic manners. 

I shall conclude by giving the reader 
some account of the rise and conduct 
of dramatic entertainments at Rome : 
which cannot be so conveniently intro- 
duced in the Notes. A knowledge of 
these things is very necessary to a right 
understanding of Terence's plays ; as 
his mode of writing could not be recon- 
ciled to the modern method of dramatic 
representation, which differs very mate- 
rially from the ancient manner. 

About an hundred and twenty years 
before regular plays were first exhi- 
bited at Rome, a sort of entertainment 
called ludi scenici was introduced there 
by the Etrurians : it consisted merely 
of dancing to the sound of a pipe. This 
simple amusement was soon improved 



PREFACE. XV 

upon, and the dancers began also to 
speak. They spouted a species of rude 
satirical verses, in which they threw 
out rough jests, raillery, and repartee 
against each other: these were called 
Saturnian verses, or Satires, from their 
god Saturn : hence this name was after- 
wards applied to poetry composed for 
the purpose of lashing vice or folly. 
The Saturnian verses, set to music, and 
accompanied by dancing, continued a 
favourite diversion, till they were su- 
perseded by regular plays about the 
year of Rome 515. The places where 
they were represented, (called theatra, 
theatres, from a Greek word signifying 
to see,) were originally tents, erected in 
the country, under the shade of some 
lofty trees : afterwards they performed 
in temporary buildings formed of wood : 
one of these is recorded to have been 
large enough to contain eighty thousand 
spectators. Pompey the Great erected 
the first permanent theatre : it was 



XVI PREFACE. 

built of stone, and of a size sufficient 
to accommodate forty thousand persons. 

Some critics have objected against 
Terence, that he is guilty of an impro- 
priety in making one actor speak very 
frequently without being heard by ano- 
ther ; and introducing two or more per- 
sons on the stage, who, though they are 
both of them seen by the spectators, 
yet do not perceive each other for a 
considerable space of time. These ob- 
jections are easily answered when we 
reflect on the magnificent size of the 
Roman theatres. An ingenious writer 
of the last century has given a very 
clear explanation of this subject : I shall 
give it in his own words. 

" Some make this objection, that in 
the beginning of many scenes, two act- 
ors enter upon the stage, and talk to 
themselves a considerable time before 
they see or know one another; which 
they say is neither probable nor natural. 
Those that object to this don't consider 



PREFACE. XVII 

the great difference between our little 
scanty stage and the large magnificent 
Roman theatres. Their stage was sixty 
yards wide in the front, their scenes so 
many streets meeting together, with all 
by-lanes, rows, and alleys ; so that two 
actors coming down two different streets 
or lanes, couldn't be seen by each 
other, though the spectators might see 
both ; and sometimes, if they did see 
each other, they couldn't well distin- 
guish faces at sixty yards' distance. 
Besides, upon several accounts, it 
might well be supposed when an actor 
enters upon the stage out of some house, 
he might take a turn or two under the 
porticoes, cloisters, or the like, (that 
were usual at that time,) about his 
door, and take no notice of an act- 
or's being on the other side of the 
stage." 

Of course, the extensive size of the 
Roman theatres made it impossible that 
the natural voice of the actors should 



XV111 PREFACE. 

be distinctly heard at the distance they 
stood from the audience : to remedy 
this inconvenience, they had recourse 
to a sort of mask, which covered both 
the head and the face : it was called 
'persona, from two Latin words, signify- 
ing to sound through : the mouth of this 
mask was made very large, and with 
thin plates of brass they contrived to 
swell the sound of the voice, and, at 
the same time, to vary its tones, so 
as to accord with the passions they 
wished to express. Instructions in the 
use of these masks formed an essential 
and important branch of the education 
of a Roman actor. 

The plays represented at Rome were 
divided into two classes : 1. the palliatae, 
2. the togatae. In the first, the cha- 
racters of the piece were entirely Gre- 
cian : in the latter, they were entirely 
Roman. The second class, viz., the 
togatee, were subdivided into the pree- 
textatae, when the play was tragedy: 



PREFACE. XIX 

the tabernarise, when the scenes lay in 
low life : the atellanae, or farces : and 
the trabeatae, when the scene lay in the 
camp : they had likewise mimes and 
pantomimes. 

The chorus consisted sometimes of 
one person, though generally of several, 
who stood on the stage during the re- 
presentation, at first, without any share 
in the action of the piece : some sup- 
pose that they were there partly in^the 
character of spectators : if this conjec- 
ture be correct, Terence may be ex- 
cused for making the actors address 
them. Their business seems originally 
to have been singing between the pauses 
in the action, and delivering moral re- 
flections on what was represented on 
the stage : afterwards they were incor- 
porated with the action, as a species of 
attendants. These theatrical appendages 
were at last laid aside, because it was 
thought to appear improbable, that in* 



XX PREFACE. 

trigues, which usually are to be kept se- 
cret, should be carried on in their pre- 
sence. 

Flutes were played during the whole 
time of the performance, and the chief 
musician beating time, directed the 
actors when they were to raise, and 
when they were to depress their voices. 
Sometimes one person recited the words, 
and another performed the action of the 
same part. The tibiae, or flutes, were 
of various kinds: the best account of 
the manner in which they were used is 
given us by Madame Dacier, as follows : 
f* The performers played on two 
flutes during the whole of the repre- 
sentation. They stopped the vents of 
one of them with the right hand : that 
flute was, therefore, called right hand- 
ed : the other was stopped with the 
left, and called a left-handed flute. In 
the first, there were but a few holes ; 
which occasioned it to give a deep, 



PREFACE. XXI 

bass sound : in the other, the holes 
were very numerous: this flute sounded 
a sharp shrill note. 

u When a comedy was accompanied 
by two flutes of a different sound, it 
was said to be played Tibiis imparibus 
dextris et sinistris, unequal flutes, right 
and left handed. When the flutes were 
of the same sound, it was said to be 
played Tibiis paribus dextris, with equal 
light-handed flutes, if they were of a 
deep sound: and Tibiis paribus sinistris, 
with equal left-handed flutes, when they 
were of a sharp shrill sound. The 
right-handed flutes were called Lydian ; 
the left-handed Tyrian ; the unequal 
Phrygian; as were also the crooked 
flutes." 

The tragic and comic actors were 
distinguished from each other by the 
covering of their feet. The tragedians 
wore a sort of boot, called cothurnus, 
with a very high heel ; which was in- 
tended to give them a commanding, 



XX11 PREFACE. 

majestic appearance. The comedians 
wore a light shoe, or slipper, called 
soccus. 

The Romans appear to have been 
very partial to dramatic entertain- 
ments. Magistrates were appointed 
to exhibit them : and the people 
even devoted to the theatre part of 
that time which is usually allotted 
to more weighty concerns : as their 
plays were usually performed in the 
day-time. Magnificent theatres were 
erected at the public expense ; and 
sometimes even by private individuals. 
A description of one of these buildings 
is recorded by Pliny. The scenes were 
divided into three partitions, one above 
another. The first consisted of one 
hundred and twenty marble pillars; 
the second of the same number of pil- 
lars, most curiously covered and orna- 
mented with glass : the third of the 
same number of pillars, covered with 
gilded tablets. Three thousand brazen 



PREFACE. XX1H 

statues filled up the spaces between 
the pillars. This theatre would con- 
tain eighty thousand persons. Inde- 
pendently of the ordinary representa- 
tions, plays were performed on all 
solemn occasions: at the public feasts 
and games, and at the funerals of emi- 
nent citizens. No opportunity seems 
to have been neglected to introduce 
this species of amusement at Rome: 
no nation, ancient or modern, appears 
to have cultivated the drama with 
greater diligence than the Romans; 
and few have had more success. It 
is our misfortune, that so few speci- 
mens of the excellence of their drama- 
tists have descended to our times. 
Let us, however, admire and profit by 
what we have. The writings of Te- 
rence and of Plautus present us with 
an inexhaustible source of pleasure and 
instruction. As long as virtuous and 
humane sentiments do not lose their 
appeal to the heart ; as long as purity, 



XXIV PREFACE. 

delicacy of expression, wit, and spirit, 
and well-wrought fable continue to 
satisfy the judgment ; so long the names 
of Terence and of Plautus must remain 
immortal. 






THE 

LIFE OF TERENCE, 

^ranslatrtr from t|)e Uattn 

OF 

CAIUS SUETONIUS TRANQUILLUS*. 

Publius Terentius 2 , born at Carthage, in 
Africa, was slave to Terentius Lucanus, a Ro- 
man senator: who, justly appreciating his great 
abilities, gave him not only a polite education, 
but also his liberty in the earlier part of his 
life. He is supposed by some to have been 
made a prisoner of war: but Fenestella 3 re- 
futes this opinion; as 4 Terence was born after 
the conclusion of the second Punic |war, and 
died before the commencement of the third : 
neither, if he had been made a captive by the 
5 Numidians, 01 Getulians, could he have fallen 



XXVI LIFE OF TERENCE. 

into the hands of the Romans, as there was no 
commerce between the Italians and Africans, 
before the destruction of Carthage. 

Terence lived in the closest intimacy with 
many of the Roman nobility, but particularly 
with Scipio Africanus 6 and Caius Laelius 7 , who 
were about his own age 8 , though Fenestella 
makes Terence rather older than either of them. 
Portius 9 commemorates their friendship in the 
following verses : 

Dum lasciviam nobilium; et fucosas laudes petit : 

Duin Africani vocera divinam inhiat avidis auribus : 

Dum ad Furium se coenitare et Laelium pulchrum putat : 

Dum se aniari ab hisce credit, crebro in Albanum rapi 

Ob florem aetatis suae, ipsus sublatis rebus ad summam 

Inopiam redactus est. 

Itaque e conspcctu omnium abiit in Graeciam in terrain ulti- 

mani. 
Mortuus est in Stymphalo Arcadiae oppido: nihil Publius 
Scipio profuit, nihil ei Laelius, nihil Furius; 
Tres per idem tempus qui agitabant nobiles facillime, 
Eorum ille opera ne domum quidem habuit conductitiam, 
Saltern ut esset, quo referret obitum domini servulus. 

" While Terence joins in the pleasures of the 
nobles, and seeks their empty praise ; while he 



LIFE OF TERENCE. XXVU 

listens with delight to the divine voice of Afri- 
canus ; and thinks himself most happy to sup 
with Laelius and with Furius 10 ; while he be- 
lieves them to be his true friends ; while he is 
frequently carried to the " Albanian villa ; his 
property is spent, and he himself reduced to 
the greatest poverty : on which account he 
goes, avoiding all mankind, to the most distant 
parts of Greece, and dies at Stymphalus ia , a 
town in Arcadia : his three great friends Scipio, 
Lselius, and Furius, give him no assistance ; 
nor even enable him to hire a house ; that 
there might, at least, be a place where his 
slave might announce to Rome his master's 
death," 

He wrote six comedies: when the first of them, 
the Andrian, was presented to the iEdiles 13 ; 
he was desired to read it to Caerius 14 ; he ac- 
cordingly repaired to his house, and found him 
at supper ; and, being meanly dressed, was 
seated on a stool near the couch of Caerius 15 , 

where he commenced the reading of his play ; 
b 2 



XXV111 LIFE OF TERENCE. 

but Caerius had no sooner heard the first few 
lines than he invited the poet to sup with him ; 
after which, the play was read, to the great ad- 
miration of Caerius, who betowed on the author 
the most unbounded applause. The other five 
comedies met with equal commendation from 
the Romans, though Volcatius 16 , in his enume- 
ration of them, says, 

Sume tur Hecyra sexta ex his fabula. 

The Step-mother is reckoned the last of the 
six. 

The Eunuch was acted twice in one day 17 ; 
and the author received for it a higher price 
than was ever paid for any comedy before that 
time, viz., eight thousand sesterces l8 : on ac- 
count of the magnitude of the sum, it is men- 
tioned in the title of that play. Varro 19 even 
prefers the opening scenes of the Brothers of 
Terence to the same part in Menander. The 
report that Terence was indebted to Scipio and 
Laelius, with whom he was so intimate, for 



LIFE OF TERENCE. Xxix 

parts of his comedies, is well known ; and he 
himself scarcely seems to have discouraged the 
assertion, as he never seriously denies it ; wit- 
ness the Prologue to the Brothers : 

Nam quod isti dicunt malevoli, homines nobiles 
Eum adjutare, assidueque unascriberc : 
Quod illi maledictum vehemens existimant, 
Eamlaudem hie ducitmaximam, cum illis placet 
Qui vobis unive*sis, et populo placent : 
Quorum opera in bello, in otio, in negotio 
Suo quisque tempore usus est sine superbia. 

u And as for what those malicious railers say 2 *, 
who assert that certain noble persons assist the 
poet, and very frequently write with him, what 
they think a reproach, he considers as the high- 
est praise ; that he should be thought to please 
those who please you, and all Rome ; those 
who have assisted every one in war, and peace, 
and even in their private affairs, with the great- 
est services ; and yet have been always free from 
arrogance." It is likely, that he might wish, in 
some measure, to encourage this idea, because 

he knew that it would not be displeasing to 
b3 



XXX LIFE OF TERENCE. 

Scipio and Leelius : however, the opinion has 
gained ground, and is strongly entertained even 
to the present day. Quintus Memmius ' 31 , in an 
oration in his own defence, says, 

Publius Africanus, qui a Terentio personam 
mutuatus, quae domi luserat ipse, nomine illius 
in scenam detulit 

" Publius Africanus, who borrowed the name 
of Terence for those plays which he composed 
at home for his diversion. -" 

Cornelius Nepos 22 asserts, that he has it 
from the very first authority, that Caius Laalius 
being at his country-house at 23 Puteoli, on the 
first of March**, and being called to supper by 
his wife at an earlier hour than usual, requested 
that he might not be interrupted; and after- 
wards coming to table very late, he declared 
that he had scarcely ever succeeded better in 
composition than at that time; and, being 
asked to repeat the verses, he read the following 
from the Self-tormentor, Act IV, Scene III. 



LIFE OF TERENCE. XXXI 

Satis pol proterve me Syri promissa hue induxeruut 
Decern minas quas nrihi dare pollicitus est, quod si is 

nunc me 
Deceperit, saepe obsecransme, ut veniam, frustra veniet: 
Aut, cum venturam dixero, et constituent cum is certe 
Renunciarit ; Clitiphon cum in spe pendebit animi 
Decipiam, ac non veniam; Syrus mihi tergo paenas pendet. 

* Truly this Syrus has coaxed me hither, im- 
pertinently enough, with his fine promises that 
I should receive ten minae ; but, if he deceives 
me this time, 'twill be to no purpose to ask me 
to come again ; or, if I promise, and appoint 
to come, I'll take good care to disappoint him. 
Clitipho, who will be full of eager hope to see 
me, will I deceive, and will not come ; and 
Syrus' back shall pay the penalty." 

Santra 25 thinks, that if Terence had required 
any assistance in his comedies; he would not 
have requested it from Scipio and Laelius, who 
were then extremely young 26 ; but from 2 " Caius 
Sulpicius Gall us, a man of great learning, who 
also was the first person who procured 28 the 
representation of comedies at the consular 
games or from 2) Quintus Fabius Labeo ; or 



XXX11 LIFE OF TERENCE. 

from 3° Marcus Popilius Laenas, two eminent 
poets, and persons 3l of consular dignity : and 
Terence himself, speaking of those who were 
reported to have assisted him, does not mention 
them as young men, but as persons of weight 
and experience, who had served the Romans in 
peace, in war, and in private business. 

After the publication of his six comedies, he 
quitted Rome, in the thirty-fifth year of his age, 
and returned no more. Some suppose that he 
undertook this journey with a view to silence 
the reports of his receiving assistance from 
others in the composition of his plays : others, 
that he went with a design to inform himself 
more perfectly of the manners and customs of 
Greece. 

Volcatius speaks of his death as follows: 

Sed ut Afer sex populo edidit comcedias 
Iter hinc in Asiam fecit : navim cum semel 
Conscendit, visus nunquam est. hie vita vacat, 

u Terence, after having written six comedies, 
embarked for Asia, and was seen no more. He 
perished at sea. ,> 



LIFE OF TERENCE. XXXlli 

Quintus Consentius 32 writes, that he died at 
sea, as he was returning from Greece, with one 
hundred and eight plays, translated from Me- 
nander 33 . Other writers affirm, that he died at 
Stymphalus, a tow 7 n in Arcadia, or in Leuca- 
dia 34 , in the consulate of 35 Cneus Cornelius 
Dolabella and Marcus Fulvius Nobilior, and 
that his end was hastened by extreme grief for 
the loss of the comedies which he had translated, 
and some others which he had composed him- 
self, and sent before him in a vessel which was 
afterwards wrecked. 

He is said to have been of a middle stature, 
well-shaped, and of a dark complexion. He 
left one daughter, who was afterwards married 
to 36 a Roman knight, and bequeathed to her a 
garden of ' h XX jugera, near the Appian Way, 
and close to the 38 Villa Martis : it is therefore 
surprising that Portius should write thus : 



nihil Publius 



Scipio profuit, nihil ei Laelius, nihil Furius : 
Tres per idem tempus qui agitabant nobiles facillime, 
Eornm ille opera ne domum quidem habuit conductitiam ; 
Saltern ut esset, quo referret obitum domini servulus. 



XXXIV LIFE OF TERENCE. 

" His three great friends, Scipio, Laelius, and 
Furius, give him no assistance, nor even enable 
him to hire a house, that there might at least be 
a place where his slave might announce to 
Rome his master's death." 

Afranius * prefers Terence to all the comic 
poets, saying, in his Compitalia 40 . 

Terentio uon similem dices quempiam. 
u Terence is without an equal." 

But Volcatius places him not only after 
41 Naevius, 4 * Plautus, and 43 Caecilius, but even 
after 44 Licinius. * 5 Cicero, in his AEiMftN, 
writes of Terence thus, 

Tu quoque qui solus lecto sermone, Terenti, 
Conversum, expressumque Latina voce Menandrum 
In medio populi sedatis vocibus effers, 
Quicquid come loquens, ac omnia dulcia dicens. 

u And thou, also, O Terence, whose pure 
style alone could make Menander speak the 
Latin tongue, thou, with the sweetest harmony 
and grace, hast given him to Rome." 

Also Caius Julius Caesar 46 , 



LIFE OF TERENCE. XXXV 

Tuquoquetu inSnmmis, O dimidiate Menander, 
Poneris et merito, puri sermonis amator, 
Lenibus atque utinam scriptis adjuncta foret vis 
Comica ut aequato virtus polleret honore, 
Cum Graecis ueque in hac despectus parte jaceres, 
Unum hoc maceror, et doleo tibi deesse Terenti. 

u And thou, also, O thou half Menander, art 
justly placed among the most divine poets, for 
the purity of thy style. O would that humour 
had kept pace with ease in all thy writings ; 
then thou wouldest not have been compelled to 
yield even to the Greeks; nor could a single 
defect have been objected to thee. But, as it 
is, thou hast this great defect, and this, O Te- 
rence, I lament." 



THE ANDRIAN, 

ACTED AT 

THE MEGALESIAN GAMES 47 ; 

IN THE 48 CURULE ^DILATE OF 49 MARCUS FULVIUS AND 
ARCUS GLABRIO ; BY THE COMPANY 51 OF LU- 
CIUS AMBIVILS TURPIO, AND LUCIUS AT- 
TILIUS 52 , Ot PR.tNESTE.^ 

Flacc us, the Freedman of Claudius, composed the Music 
for 5 3 equal Flutes, right and left handed. 

■?* It is taken from the Greek, and was published during* the 
Consulate of Marcus Claudius Marcellus, and Ciieus 
Sulpicius Galba 55 . 

Year of Rome 587 

Before Our Saviour 162 

Author's Age 27 



/ 



THE ARGUMENT. 



There were in Athens two brothers, Chremes and 
Phania. The former making a voyage to Asia, 
left his infant daughter, named Pasibula, under 
the protection of Phania; who, to avoid the dan- 
gers of a war which shortly after convulsed the 
Grecian States, quitted Athens, and embarked 
also for Asia with the infant Pasibula, designing 
to rejoin his brother Chremes. His vessel being 
wrecked off Andros, he was received and hospi- 
tably entertained by an inhabitant of the island, 
where he died, bequeathing his niece to his host, 
who generously educated her with his own daughter 
Chrysis ; changing her name from Pasibula to 
Glycera. After some years he also died, and 
his daughter Chrysis, finding herself reduced to 
poverty, and avoided by her relations, removed to 
Athens, accompanied by her adopted sister Gly- 
cera, or Pasibula. Here, supported by her in- 
dustry, she lived for some months in a virtuous seclu- 
sion ; but after that period became acquainted with 
several young Athenians of good family, whose visits 
she admitted, hoping perhaps to accomplish an ad- 
vantageous marriage either for Glycera or for her- 
b £ 



IV THE ARGUMENT. 

self. She was seduced by pleasure, and her con- 
duct from that time became very far from irre- 
proachable. Meanwhile a young man, named Pam- 
philus, is accidently introduced at her house, sees 
Glycera, is enamoured of her; she returns his 
affections, and they are privately betrothed ; a short 
time previous to the death ofCHRYsis, which hap- 
pens about three years after her removal to Athens. 
Chremes, whom we left in Asia, returned to 
Athens, and became the father of another daughter, 
who was called Philumeea ; he had long before 
formed a friendship with Simo, the father of Pam- 
philus. Pamphilus being a youth of great 
worth and high reputation, Chremes wishes to be- 
stow on him the hand of his daughter Philumexa. 
Here the play opens. A report of the connexion 
between Pamphilus and Glycera reaching the 
ears of Chremes, he breaks off the marriage. Simo 
conceals this, and to try the truth of the rumour, 
proposes Philumena again to his son, and desires 
him to wed her instantly. Apprized by his servant 
Davus of his father's artful stratagem, PamphiXus 
professes his willingness to marry, thinking by this 
measure to disappoint it ; but he defeats himself, 
for from his ready consent, Chremes concludes 
the rumour false, and renews the treaty to the great 
embarrassment of Pamphilus, which, with the 
artifices Davus employs to extricate him, form 
the most diverting scenes of the play. However, 



THE ARGUMENT. V 

when the affairs of Pamphilus and Davus are re- 
duced to extremity, and a breach between father 
and son appears inevitable on account of the marri- 
age with Glycera, and the refusal to accept Phi- 
lumen a, a stranger called Crito, most oppor- 
tunely arrives from Andros, and discovers Gly- 
cera to be Pasibula, the daughter of Chremes, 
who willingly confirms her the wife of Pamphilus, 
and bestows Philumena, his other daughter, on 
ChaPvINus, a friend of Pamphilus, to the great 
satisfaction of all parties. 



b3 



DRAMATIS PERSONS. 



Simo, an old man, the father of'Pamphilus. 

Sosi^, the freedman of Simo. 

Pamphilus, the son of Simo. 

Davus, servant to Pamphilus. 

Charinus, a young man, the friend of Pamphilus. 

Byrrhia, servant to Charinus. 

Chremes, an old man, the friend of Simo. 

Crito, a stranger, from the island of Andros. 

DromOj a servant. 

Glycera, the Andrian. 

Mysis, her maid. 

Lesbia, a midwife. 

MUTES. 

Archillis, Glycera's nurse. 
Servants belonging to Simo. 



The Scene lies in Athens, in a street between the 
houses of Simo and Glycera. 

The Time is about nine hours. 



B 4 



PROLOGUE 6 . 



Our poet, when first he bent his mind to write, 
thought that he undertook no more than to compose 
Comedies which should please the people. But he 
rinds himself not a little deceived ; and is compelled 
to waste his time in making Prologues ; not to nar- 
rate the plot of his play, but to answer the snarling 
malice of an older poet 57 . And now, I pray you, 
Sirs, observe what they object against our Author : 
Menander wrote the 58 Andrian and Perinthian : he 
who knows one of them knows both, their plots are 
so very similar; but they are different in dialogue, 
and in style. He confesses that whatever seemed 
suitable to the Andrian, he borrowed from the 
Perinthian, and used as his own : and this, forsooth, 
these railers carp at, and argue against him that 
Comedies thus mixed are good for nothing. But, in 
attempting to shew their wit, they prove their folly : 
since, in censuring him, they censure Nsevius, 
Plautus 59 , Ennius, who have given our author a 
precedent for what he has done : and whose careless 
ease he would much rather imitate than their obscure 
correctness. But henceforth let them be silent, and 
b 5 



X PROLOGUE. 

cease to rail ; or I give them warning, they shall 
hear their own faults published. And now deign 
to favour the play with your attention ; and giv< 
it an impartial hearing, that you may know what 
is in future to be expected from the poet, and 
whether the Comedies that he may write hereafter, 
will be worthy to be accepted, or to be rejected by 
you. 



THE ANDRIAN. 



ACT I. 



Scene I. 
Si mo, Sosia, and Slates, carrying Provisions. 

Simo. 60 Carry in those things, directly. (Ex- 
eunt Slaves.) Do you come hither Sosia ; I 
have something to say to you. 

Sosia. You mean, I suppose, that I should 
take care that these provisions are properly drest. 

Simo. No ; it's quite another matter. 

Sosia. In what else can my skill be of any ser- 
vice ? 

Simo. There is no need of your skill in the 
management of the affair I am now engaged in ; 
all that I require of you is faithfulness and se- 
crecy ; qualities I know you to possess. 

Sosia. I long to hear your commands. 

Simo, You well know, Sosia, that from the 
b 6 



12 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT I. 

time when I first bought you as my slave ; 6l even 
from your childhood until the present moment ; 
I have been a just and gentle master : you served 
me with a free spirit ; and I gave you freedom ; 
fr2 as the greatest reward in my power to bestow. 
Sosia. Believe me, Sir, I have not forgotten it* 
Simo. Nor have you given rne any cause to 
repent that I did so. 63 

Sosia. I am very glad, Simo, that my past, and 
present conduct has been pleasing to you ; and I 
am grateful for your goodness in receiving my 
poor services so favourably : but it pains me to 
be thus reminded of the benefits you have con- 
ferred upon me, as it seems to upbraid me with 
having forgotten them. 64 Pray, Sir, let me re- 
quest to know your will at once. 

Simo. You shall ; but first I must inform you 
that my son's marriage, which you expect to 
take place, is only a feigned marriage. 

Sosia. But why do you make use of this de- 
ceit ? 

Simo. 65 You shall near every thing from the 
beginning ; by which means you will learn my 
son's course of life, my intentions, and the part 
I wish you to take in this affair. When my son, 
Pamphilus, arrived at man's estate, 66 of course 
he was able to live more according to his own in- 



Scene I.] the andrian. 13 

cliiiation: for, until a man has attained that 
age, his disposition does not discover itself, being 
kept in check either by his tutor, or by bashful- 
ness, or by his tender years. 
Sosia. That is very true. 
Simo. Most young men attach themselves 
chiefly to one particular pursuit ; such, for in- 
stance, as breeding horses, keeping hounds, or 
frequenting the schools of the philosophers. 67 
He did not devote himself entirely to any one of 
these : but employed a moderate portion of his 
time in each ; and I was much pleased to see it. 
Sosia. As well you might, for J think that 
every man, in the conduct of his life, should ad- 
here to this precept, " Avoid excess." 

Simo. This was his way of life; he bore pa- 
tiently with every one, accommodated himself to 
the tempers of his associates ; and fell in with 
them in their pursuits ; avoided quarrels ; and 
never arrogantly preferred himself before his com- 
panions. Conduct like this will ensure a man 
praise without envy, and gain many friends. 

Sosia. This was indeed a wise course of life ; 
for in these times 68 , flattery makes friends ; truth, 
foes. 

Simo. Meantime, about three years ago, a 
certain woman, exceedingly beautiful, and in the 



14 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT L 

flower of her age, removed into this neighbour- 
hood ; she came from the Island of Andros ^ ; 
being compelled to quit it by her poverty and the 
neglect of her relations 70 . 

Sosia. I augur no good from this woman of 
Andros. 

Simo. At first she lived chastely, and penuri- 
ously, and laboured hard, managing with diffi- 
culty to gain a livelihood 71 with the distaff and 
the loom : but soon afterwards several lovers made 
their addresses to her 72 ; promising to repay her 
favours with rich presents ; and as we all are na- 
turally prone to pleasure, and averse to labour, 
she was induced to accept their offers ; and at 
last admitted all her lovers without scruple. It 
happened that some of them with much persua- 
sion prevailed on my son to accompany them to 
her house. Aha! thought I, he is caught 73 : he 
is certainly in love with her. In the morning I 
watched their pages going to her house and re- 
turning ; I called one of them ; Hark ye, boy, 
prithee tell me who was the favourite of 
Chrysis, yesterday ? For this was the Andrian's 
name. 

Sosia. I understand you, Sir. 

Simo. I was answered that it was Phaedrus, or 
Clinia, or Niceratus ; for aU these were her lo- 



Scene I.] the andrian. 15 

vers at that time: well, said 1, and what did 
Pamphilus there ! oh ! he paid 74 his share and 
supped with the rest. Another day I inquired 
and received the same answer; and I was ex- 
tremely rejoiced that I could learn nothing to at- 
tach any blame to my son. Then 1 thought that 
I had proved him sufficiently ; and that he was a 
miracle of chastity : — for he who has to contend 
against the example of men of such vicious 
inclinations, and can preserve his mind from its 
pernicious influence, may very safely be trusted 
with the regulation of his own conduct. To in- 
crease my satisfaction, every body joined as if 
with one voice in the praise of Pamphilus, every 
one extolled his virtues, and my happiness, in 
possessing a son endued with so excellent a dis- 
position. In short, this his high reputation in- 
duced my friend Chremes to come to me of his 
own accord, and offer to give his daughter to 
Pamphilus with a large dowry 75 . I contracted 
76 my son, as I was much pleased with the match, 
which was to have taken place on this very day. 

Sosia. And what has happened to prevent it ? 

Simo. You shall hear : within a few days of 
this time our neighbour Chrysis died. 

Sosia. O happy news ! I was still fearful of 
some mischief from this Andrian 



lG THE ANDR1AN. [ACT T 

Simo. Upon this occasion my son was conti- 
nually at the house with the lovers of Chrysis, 
and joined with them in the care of her funeral ; 
meantime he was sad, and sometimes would even 
weep. Still I was pleased with all this ; if, 
thought I, he is so much concerned at the death 
of so slight an acquaintance, how would he be 
afflicted at the loss of one whom he himself loved, 
or at my death. 1 attributed every thing to his 
humane and affection ate disposition ; in short, I 
myself, for his sake, attended the funeral, even 
yet suspecting nothing. 

Sosia. Ah! what has happened then ? 

Simo. I will tell you. The corpse is carried 
out ; we follow : in the mean time, among the 
women who were there 77 , I saw one young girl, 
with a form so — 

Sosia. Lovely, without doubt. 

Simo. And with a face, Sosia, so modest, and 
so charming, that nothing can surpass it ; and as 
she appeared more afflicted than the others who 
were there, and so pre-eminently beautiful 78 , and 
of so noble a carriage, I approach the women 
who were following the body 79 , and inquire who 
she is : they answer, The sister of the deceased. 
Instantly the whole truth burst upon me at once: 
hence then, thought I, proceed those tears; this 



Scene I.] the ajndrian. 17 

sister it is, who is the cause of all his afflic- 
tion. 

Sosia. How I dread to hear the end of all this ! 

Simo. In the mean time the procession ad- 
vances ; we follow, and arrive at the tomb 80 : the 
corpse is placed on the pile 8l , and quickly en- 
veloped in flames ; they weep ; while the sister 
I was speaking of, rushed forward in an agony of 
grief toward the fire ; and her imprudence ex- 
posed her to great danger. Then, then it was, 
that Pamphilus, half dead with terror, publicly 
betrayed the love he had hitherto so well con- 
cealed : he flew r to the spot, and throwing his 
arms around her with all the tenderness imagin- 
able ; my dearest Glycera, cried he, what are 
you about to do ? Why do you rush upon de- 
struction? Upon which she threw herself weeping 
upon his bosom in so affectionate a manner, that 
it was easy enough to perceive their mutual love. 

Sosia. How ! is this possible ! 

Simo. I returned home, scarcely able to con- 
tain my anger ; but yet I had not sufficient cause 
to chide Pamphilus openly; as he might have 
replied to me, What have I done amiss, my fa- 
ther ? or how have I offended you ? of what am 
I guilty f I have preserved the life of one who 
was going to throw herself into the flames : I 



18 THE ANDR1AN. [ACT L 

prevented her : this would have been a plausible 
excuse. 

Sosia. You consider this rightly, Sir ; for if 
he who has helped to save a life is to be blamed 
for it ; what must be done to him who is guilty 
of violence and injustice ? 

Simo. The next day Chremes came to me, 
and complained of being shamefully used, as he 
had discovered for a certainty that Pamphilus 
had actually married this strange woman 82 , I 
positively denied that this was the case, and he as 
obstinately insisted on the truth of it : at last I 
left him, as he was absolutely resolved to break 
off the match. 

Sosia. Did you not then rebuke Pamphilus ? 

Simo. No : there was nothing yet so flagrant 
as to justify my rebuke. 

Sosia. How so, Sir, pray explain ? 

Simo. He might have answered me thus: you 
yourself, my father, have fixed the time when 
this liberty must cease ; and the period is at 
hand when I must conform myself to the plea- 
sure of another : permit me then, 1 beseech you, 
for the short space that remains to me, to live 
as my own will prompts me. 

Sosia. True. What cause of complaint can 
you then find against him ? 



Scene L] the andrian. 19 

Simo. If he is induced by his love for this 
stranger, to refuse to marrv Pbilumena in obe- 
dience to my commands, that offence will lay 
him open to my anger; and I am now endea- 
vouring by means of this feigned marriage, to 
find a just cause of complaint against him : and, 
at the same time, if that rogue Davus has any 
subtle scheme on foot, this will induce him to 
bring it forward now, when it can do no harm ; 
as I believe that rascal will leave no stone un- 
turned in the affair ; though more for the sake of 
tormenting me, than with a view to serve or gra- 
tify my son. 

Sosia. Why do you suspect that? 

Simo. Why ? because of a wicked mind one 
can expect nothing but wicked intentions 63 . But 
if I catch him at his tricks — However, 'tis in 
vain to say more : if it appear, as I trust it will, 
that my son makes no objection to the marriage, 
I have only to gain Chremes, whom I must pre- 
vail upon by entreaty ; and I have great hopes 
that I shall accomplish it. What I wish you to 
do is, to assist me in giving out this marriage for 
truth, to terrify Davus, and to watch the con- 
duct of my son, what he does ; and what course 
he and his hopeful servant resolve upon. 



20 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT I. 

Sosia. It is enough, Sir; I will take care to 
obey you. Now, I suppose, we may go in. 
Simo. Go, I will follow presently 84 . 

[Exit Sosia. 

Scene II. 
Simo, Davus. 

Simo. My son, I have no doubt, will refuse 
to marry ; for I observed that Davus seemed 
terribly perplexed just now, when he heard that 
the match was to take place : but here he 
comes 65 . 

Davus. (not seeing Simo.) I wondered that 
this affair seemed likely to pass off so easily ! 
and always mistrusted the drift of my old mas- 
ter's extraordinary patience and gentleness ; who, 
though he was refused the wife he wished for, for 
his son, never mentioned a word of it to us, or 
seemed to take any thing amiss. 

Simo. (aside.) But now 7 he will, as you shall 
feel, rascal. 

Davus. His design was to entrap us while we 
were indulging in an ill-founded joy, and fancied 
ourselves quite secure. He wished to take ad- 



Scene II.] the andrian. £1 

vantage of our heedlessness, and make up the 
match before we could prevent him : what a 
crafty old fellow ! 

Simo. How this rascal prates g6 ! 

Davus. Here is my master ! he has overheard 
me ! I never saw him ! 

Simo. Davus. 

Davus. Who calls Davus ? 

Simo. Come hither, sirrah. 

Davus. (aside. J What can he want with 
me ? 

Simo. What were you saying ? 

Davus. About what, Sir ? 

Simo. About what, Sir ? The world says that 
my son has an intrigue. 

Davus. Oh ! Sir, the world cares a great deal 
about that, no doubt. 

Simo. Are you attending to this, Sir ? 

Davus. Yes, Sir, certainly. 

Simo. It does not become me to inquire too 
strictly into the truth of these reports. I shall 
not concern myself in what he has done hitherto; 
for as long as circumstances allowed of it, I left 
him to himself: but it is now high time that he 
should alter and lead a new life. Therefore, 
Davus, I command, and even entreat, that you 
will prevail on him to amend his conduct. 



22 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT L 

Davus. What is the meaning of all this dis- 
course ? 

Simo. Those who have love intrigues on their 
hands are generally very averse to marriage. 

Davus. So I have heard. 

Simo. And if any of them manage such an 
affair after the counsel of a knave, 'tis a hundred 
to one but the rogue will take advantage of their 
weakness, and lead them a step further, from 
being love-sick to some still greater scrape or 
imprudence. 

Davus. Truly, Sir, I don't understand what 
you said last. 

Simo. No! not understand it ! 

Davus. No. I am not GEdipus S7 but Davus. 

Simo. Then you wish that what I have to say 
should be explained openly and without reserve. 

Davus. Certainly I do. 

Simo. Then, sii rah, if I discover that you en- 
deavour to prevent my son's marriage by any of 
your crafty tricks ; or interfere in this business 
to show your cunning ; you may rely on receiving 
a few scores of lashes, and a situation in the 
grinding-house 88 for life: upon this token, more- 
over, that when I liberate you from thence, I 
will grind in your stead. Is this plain enough 
for you, or don't you understand yet? 



Scene III.] the andrian. 23 

Davus. Oh, perfectly ! you come to the point 
at once : you don't use much circumlocution, 
i'faith. 

Si mo. Remember ! In this affair above all 
others, if you begin plotting, I will never for- 
give it. 

Davus, Softly, worthy Sir, softly, good words 
I beg of you. 

Sirno. So ! you are merry upon it, are you, 
but I am not to be imposed upon. I advise you, 
finally, to take care what you do : you cannot say 
you have not had fair warning. [ Exit. 

Scene III 89 . 

Davus. 

In truth, friend Davus, from what I have 
just heard from the old man about the marriage, 
I think thou hast no time to lose. This affair 
must be 90 handled dexterously, or either my 
young master or I must be quite undone. Nor 
have I yet resolved which side to take ; whether 
I shall assist Pamphilus, or obey his father. If 
1 abandon the son, I fear his happiness will be 
destro)ed : if 1 help him, I dread the threats of 
the old man, who is as crafty as a fox. First, 
he has discovered his son's intrigue, and keeps a 
jealous eye upon me, lest I should set some 



24 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT I. 

scheme a-foot to retard the marriage. If he 
rinds out the least thing, I am undone 91 , for 
right or wrong, if he once takes the whim into 
his head, he will soon find a pretence for send- 
ing me to grind in the mill for my life ; and, to 
crown our disasters, this Andrian, Pamphilus's 
wife or mistress, 1 know not which, is with 
child by him : 'tis strange enough to hear their 
presumption. I think their 92 intentions savour 
more of madness than of any thing else : boy 
or girl, say they, the child shall be brought 
up 93 . They have made up among them too, 
some story or other, to prove that she is a citi- 
zen of Athens 94 . Thus runs the tale. Once 
upon a time there was a certain old merchant 95 , 
who was shipwrecked upon the island of Andros, 
where he afterwards died, and the father of 
Chrysis took in his helpless little orphan, who 
was this very Glycera. Fables ! for my part I 
don't believe a word of it : however, they them- 
selves are vastly pleased with the story. But 
here comes her maid Mysis. Well, I'll betake 
myself to the Forum 96 , and look for Pamphilus : 
lest his father should surprise him with this mar- 
riage before 1 can tell him any thing of the mat- 
ter. [Exit. 



Scene IV. V.] the andrian. <S5 

Scene IV. 
Mysis. 
07 1 understand you, Archillis : you need 
not stun me with the same thing over so often : 
you want me to fetch the midwife Lesbia : in 
truth, she's very fond of the dram-bottle, and 
very headstrong ; and I should think she was 
hardly skilful enough to attend a woman in her 

first labour. — However, I'll bring her. Mark 

how 9S importunate this "old baggage is to have 
her fellow-gossip, that they may tipple together. 
Well, may Diana grant my 10 ° poor mistress a 
happy minute ; and that Lesbia's want of skill 
may be shewn any where rather than here. But 
what do I see ? here comes Pamphilus, seem- 
ingly half-distracted, surely something is the 
matter. I will stay and see whether this agi- 
tation is not the forerunner of some misfortune. 

Scene V. 
Pamphilus, Mysis 161 . 

P am. Heavens ! is it possible that any hu- 
man being, much less a father, could be guilty 
of an action like this ? 

Mysis. (aside.) What can be the matter ? 

Pam. By the faith of gods and men, if ever 
any one was unworthily treated, I am. He pe~ 
c 



26 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT 1. 

reraptorily resolved that 1 should be married on 
this very day. Why was not I informed of this 
before ? Why was not I consulted r 

My sis. (aside.) Miserable woman that I am ! 
what do I hear ? 

Pam. And w r hy has Chremes changed his 
mind, who obstinately persisted in refusing me 
his daughter, after he heard of my impru- 
dence 102 ? Can he do this to tear me from my 
dearest Glycera ? Alas ! if I lose her, I am ut- 
terly undone. Was there ever such an unfor- 
tunate lover ? — was there ever such an unhappy 
man as I am r Heavens and earth ! will this per- 
secution never end ? Shall I never hear the last of 
this detested marriage ? How have I been insulted; 
how have I been slighted! First of all, the match is 
agreed on, every thing is prepared, then I am re- 
jected, now I am courted again. I cannot, for the 
soul of me, discover the reason of all this ; how- 
ever, I shrewdly suspect that this daughter of 
Chremes is either hideously 103 ugly, or that some- 
thing is amiss in her ; and so, because he can find no 
one else to take her off his hands, he comes tome. 

Mi/sis. (aside.) Bless me ! I'm almost fright- 
ened out of my senses. 

Pam. But what shall I say of my father's be- 
haviour ? Ought an affair of such consequence 






SCSNE V.] THE ANDRIAN. 27 

to be treated so lightly ? Meeting me just now 
in the Forum, Pamphilus, said he, you are to 
be married to-day, get ready, make haste home ; 
it seemed as if he said, go quickly and hang 
yourself. I stood amazed and motionless ; not 
one single word could I pronounce; not one 
single excuse could I make, though it had 
been ever so absurd, false, or unreasonable : 
I was quite speechless. If any one were to 
ask me now, what I would have done, if I had 
known of this before ? I answer, I would have 
done any thing in the world to prevent this 
hateful marriage ; but now what course can I 
take r A thousand cares distract my mind. On 
one side, I am called upon by love and my com- 
passion for this unfortunate : on the other by 
their continued importunities for my marriage 
with Philumena, and a fear of offending my 
father, who has been hitherto so indulgent to 
me, and complied with my every wish ; and 
can I now oppose his will? Alas! I am still 
wavering ; I can resolve upon nothing. 

My sis. Unhappy wretch that I am. I dread 
how this wavering may end at last ; but now it 
is of the utmost consequence either that I 
should say something to him respecting my 
mistress, or that he should see her himself; for 
c 2 



£8 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT I. 

the le^st thing in the world may turn the scale, 
while the mind is in suspense. 

Pam. Whose voice is that ? Oh, Mysis ; wel- 
come. 

My sis. Oh ! Sir, well met. 

Pam. How is your mistress r 

Mysis. Do you not know ? she is in labour 1 
and her anguish is increased tenfold at the 
thought of this being the day formerly appointed 
for your marriage. Her greatest fear is lest you 
should forsake her. 

Pam. Heavens ! could I have the heart even 
to think of so base an action ? Can I deceive 
an unfortunate who has intrusted her all to me ? 
and whom I have always tenderly loved as my 
wife ? Can I suffer that she, who has been 
brought up in the paths of modesty and virtue, 
should be exposed to want ; 105 and perhaps even 
to dishonour ? I never can, I never will per- 
mit it ! 

Mysis. Ah ! Sir, if you were your own mas- 
ter, I should fear nothing ; but I dread lest you 
should not be able to withstand your father's 
commands. 

Pam. Do you then think me so cowardly, so 
ungrateful too, so inhuman, and so cruel, that nei- 
ther our intimate connexion, nor love, nor even 



Scene V.] the andrian. 29 

shame can prevail upon me, or influence me to 
keep my promise ? 

Mysis. I am sure of this ; she does not deserve 
that you should forget her. 

Pam. Forget her ! O Mysis, Mysis, the last 
words that Chrysis spoke to me, are still engraved 
upon my heart, already at the point of death ; she 
calls for me ; I approach ; you all retire : we are 
alone with her : she speaks thus, — My dear Pam- 
philus ; you see the youth and beauty of this dear 
girl ; I need not tell you how little these endow- 
ments are calculated to secure either her pro- 
perty or her honour ; I call upon you then, by 
the pledge of this hand you now extend to me, 
and by the natural goodness of your disposition I06 ; 
by your plighted faith, and by her helpless situa- 
tion, I conjure you not to forsake her. If ever 
I have loved you as my brother, if ever she has 
obeyed you as her husband, take her, I implore 
you, as your wife ; be to her a 107 friend, a guard- 
ian, a parent ; to you I confide our little wealth ; 
in your honour I put all my trust. — She placed 
the hand of Glycera in mine, and expired. I re- 
ceived the precious gift, and never will I relin- 
quish it. 

Mysis. Heaven forbid you ever should! 

Pam. But why are you abroad at this time ? 
c 3 



30 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT I. 

Mysis. I am going for the midwife. 

Pam. Make haste then ; and Mysis, do you 
hear ; say not a word to your mistress about this 
marriage, lest that should increase her sufferings. 

Mysis. I understand you, Sir. 






END OF THE FIKST ACT. 



ACT II. 



Scene I. 



Charinus, Byrrhia 108 . 

Char, What is it you tell me, Byrrhia ; is she 
then to be married to Pamphilus ; and is the wed- 
ding to take place even on this very day ? 

Byrr. It is even so, Sir. 

Char. How do you know it. 

Byrr. From Davus, whom 1 met just now in 
the Forum. 

Char. Alas ! the measure of my wretchedness 
is now full : my soul has hitherto fluctuated be- 
tween my hopes and fears ; but now all hope is 
lost, I sink wearied and care-worn into utter de- 
spair. 

Byrr m . I beseech you, O Charinus, Il0 to 
wish for something possible, since what you now 
wish for is impossible ! 

Char. I can wish for nothing but Philumena ! 
c4 



32 THE ANDKIAN. [Act II. 

JByrr, Ah ! how much wiser you would be, if 
instead of talking thus, which only serves to nou- 
rish nl a hopeless passion ; you would endea- 
vour to subdue, and banish it entirely from your 
heart. 

Char. How readily do those who are in health 
give good counsel to the diseased ! if you were 
in my situation you would not talk thus. 

Byrr. Well, well, as you please, Sir. 

Char. But I see Pamphilus coming this wav. 
I am resolved to attempt every thing before I 
am quite undone. 

Byrr. What is he going about now ? 

Char. I will entreat even my rival himself, I 
will implore him, I will tell him of my love. I 
trust I shall be able to prevail upon him, at least 
to postpone his marriage for a few days ; mean- 
time I hope something may happen in my favour. 

Byrr. That something is nothing at all. 

Char. What think you, Byrrhia; shall I speak 
to him f 

Byrr. Why not? that even if you can obtain 
nothing, you may m ke him think, at least, that 
Philumena will find a pressing gallant in you, if 
he marries her l12 . 

Char. Get away, rascal, with your base sus- 
picions. 



Scene II.] the andrian. 33 

Scene II. 
Charinus, Byrrhia, Pamphilus. 

Pam. Ha ! Charinus, I hope you are well, Sir. 

Char. Oh, Pamphilus ! I come to im- 
plore from you hope, safety, counsel, and assist- 
ance. 

Pam. Truly, I myself have need of counsel, 
and assistance too : but what is this affair ? 

Char. You are to be married to-day ! 

Pam. Ay, they say so. 

Char. If you are, Pamphilus, you see me to- 
day for the last time 113 . 

Pam. Why so ? 

Char. Alas ! I dread to speak it ! tell him, 
Byrrhia, I beseech you. * 

Bj/rr. I will. 

Pam. What is it, speak ? 

Byrr. My master loves Philumena to distrac- 
tion, and hears that she is betrothed to you. 

Pam. Truly, he and I are not of the same 
mind then; but prithee now, Charinus, tellme, has 
nothing passed between you and Philumena r 

Char. Ah ! Pamphilus, nothing. 

Pam. I wish with all my soul there had ! 

Char. I implore you then, by all the ties of 
c 5 



34 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT II. 

friendship, and tried affection, never to wed her i 
this is my first request. 

Pam. Never ! if I can help it, believe me. 

Char. But if you cannot grant me this, and 
earnestly desire the match 

Pam. I desire it ! 

Char. At least defer it for a day or two, that I 
may go from here, and avoid the misery of being 
obliged to witness it. 

Pam. Listen to me, Charinus ; I think it is 
by no means the part of a man of honour to 
claim thanks, where none are due to him. I am 
more desirous to avoid Philumena, than you are 
to obtain her. 

Char, My dearest friend! your words have 
given me new life. 

Pam. Now, if either you, or Byrrhia here, can 
do any thing; for m Heaven's sake do it; con- 
trive, invent, and manage if you can, that she may 
be given to you ; I meantime will do all in my 
power to prevent her from being given to me. 

Char. I am satisfied. 

Pam* But here comes Davus, most oppor- 
tunely ; I rely entirely upon his advice. 

Char, [to Byrrhia.] But as for you, you can 
tell me nothing but what I don't care to hear. 
Begone, sirrah. 



Scene III,] the andrian. S3 

Byrr. With all my heart, Sir. [Exit.] 

Scene III. 

Charinus, Pamphilus, Davus. 

Davus. Heaven ! what a world of good news 
do I bring ! but, [to himself,'] where shall I find 
Pamphilus r that I may relieve him from his pre- 
sent fears, and fill his soul with joy. 

Char. He seems to be very much pleased at 
something ; he's mighty merry. 

Pam. Oh ! 'tis nothing at all : he does not yet 
know of this unfortunate affair. 

Davus. [to himself.] For if he has heard that 
he is to be married to-day. 

Char. Do you hear what he says? 

Davus. I'll be bound he's at this very moment 
half distracted, and seeking for me all over the 
town : but where shall I find him, or which way 
shall I now direct my course. 

Char. Why do you not speak to him ? 

Davits [going.] Well, I'll go. 

Pam. Stop, Davus. 

Davus. Who calls me r Oh ! Pamphilus ! I 
was seeking for you every where. Charinus, too ! 
well met, Sir ; I wanted both of you. 

Pam. Oh Davus, I am quite undone. 
c G 



36 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT II. 

Davus. But hear me. 

Pam. I am quite ruined ! 

Davus. I know ail your fears. 

Char. And as for me, my very existence is at 
stake ! 

Davus. I know your affair also l, \ 

Pam. A marriage is ■ — 

Davus. I know that also. 

Pam. This very day too. 

Davus. You stun me ; I tell you I know every 
thing already. You, Pamphilus, fear lest you 
should be compelled to marry Philumena; and 
you, Charinus, lest you should not marry her. 

Char. Exactly so. 

Pam. ; Tis the very thing. 

Davus. Then, Sir, in that very thing there is 
no danger at all ; take my word for it. 

Pam. For heaven's sake, Davus, if you can 
do so, rid me of my fears at once. 

Davus. I banish them all ; Chrernes does not 
intend to give you his daughter at present. 

Pam. How do you know that? 

Davus, I am sure of it. Your father took me 
aside just now, and told me that he meant to have 
you married to-day ; and added a great deal more, 
which I have not time to tell you at present. Im- 
mediately I run at full speed to the Forum, lo 



Scene III.] the andrian\ 37 

look for you ; that I may acquaint you with all 
this. Not being able to find you, I get upon an 
eminence, look around ; you are no where to be 
seen. By chance I descry among the crowd, 
Charinus' servant Byrrhia ; I inquire of him ; he 
knows nothing of you : how vexatious ! quite 
perplexed ; I begin to consider what course to 
take next. Meantime as I was returning and 
thinking the business over, a suspicion struck me. 
How's this ! thought I ; no extra provision made, 
the old man gloomy, and the marriage to take 
place so suddenly ! these things don't appear 
consistent. 

Pam. Well, what then ? 

Davus. I then go directly to Chremes' house ; 
but when I get there, not a soul 1!6 do I see be- 
fore the door ; every thing is quite still and 
quiet, li7 which pleased me not a little. 

Char. Very good. 

Pam. Go on. 

Davus. I stay there a little while, but no one 
goes in or out ; I come quite up to the door, and 
look in, lli but can see no bridemaid ; no pre- 
parations 119 ; all w 7 as silent. 

Pam. I understand : a good sign ! 

Davus. Can all these things be consistent with 
a marriage ? 



38 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT II. 

Pam. I think not, Davus. 

Davits. Think not ! do you say ? you must be 
blind, Sir, not to see it : it is an absolute cer- 
tainty : besides all this, as I was returning I 
met Chremes' servant, who was carrying home 
some herbs, and as many little 120 fishes for 
the old man's supper, as might have cost an 
obelus. 

Char* Friend Davus, you have been my de- 
liverer to-day. 

Davus. Not at all, Sir, this does not benefit 
you. 

Char. How so ? why Chremes certainly will 
not give his daughter to Pamphilus. 

Davus. Nonsense ; as if it followed of course 
that he must give her to you, because he does 
not give her to him : if you do not take care ; if 
you do not use all your endeavours, to gain the 
support of the old man's friends, you will be no 
nearer your wishes than ever 121 . 

Char, You advise me well ; I will go about 
it, though in truth this hope has often deceived 
me before. Farewell. [Exit.] 



Scene IV.] % the andkun. 59 

Scene IV. 

Pamphilcs, Davus. 

Pam. What then can my father mean? why 
does he thus dissemble ? 

Davus. I will tell you, Sir. He knows very 
well that it would be unreasonable in him to be 
angry with you, because Chremes has refused to 
give you his daughter, nor can he take any thing- 
amiss, before he knows how your mind stands af- 
fected towards the marriage ; but if you should 
refuse to marry, all the blame will be thrown on 
you, and a grievous disturbance created. 

Pam. What then, shall I bear it patiently, 
and consent to marry ? 

Davus. He is your father, Pamphilus, and it 
would not be easy to oppose him : Glycera more- 
over is lM destitute and friendless, and he would 
speedily find some pretext or other to banish her 
from the city 123 . 

Pam. Banish her. 

Davus. Ay, directly. 

Pam. Oh Davus, what shall I do? 

Davus. Tell him that you are ready to marrv. 

Pam. Ah ! 



40 THE AN BRIAN. [ACT JL 



Davits. What's the matter? 

Pam. Can I tell him so ? 

Davits. AVhy not ? 

Pam. Never. 

Davits. Be adv'sed, Sir, tell him so. 

Pam. Do not attempt to persuade me to it. 

Davus. Consider the result. 

Pam. Torn for ever from my Glycera, I 
should be wedded to another. 

Davus. You are mistaken, Sir, listen to me : 
your father, I expect, will speak to you to this 
effect. Pamphilus, 'tis my will that you should 
be married to-day. I am ready, Sir ; you shall 
answer : how can he then complain of you ? All 
his plans on which he places so much reliance 
will be rendered abortive, and entirely frustrated 
by this reply ; which you may very safely make ; 
as it is beyond a doubt that Chremes will persist 
in refusing you his daughter ; therefore do not 
let the fear of his changing his 124 mind, prevent 
you from following my advice. Tell your father 
that you are willing to marry ; that when he seeks 
a cause of complaint against you, he may not be 
able to find any. As to the hopes you indulge, 
that no man will give his daughter to you, on ac- 
count of this imprudent 125 connexion that you 
have formed ; I will soon convince you of their 






Scene V.] the andrian. 41 

fallacy ; for believe me, your father would rather 
see you wedded to poverty itself, than suffer you 
to continue your present intimacy with Glycera; 
but if he thinks you are indifferent, he will grow 
unconcerned, and look out another wife at his 
leisure ; meantime something may happen in your 
favour. 

Pam. Do you think so? 

Davus. There is no doubt of it. 

Pam. Be cautious whither you lead me. 

Davus. Pray, Sir, say no more about it. 

Pam. I will act as you advise me ; but we 
must take care that he knows nothing of the 
child, for I have promised to bring it up. 

Davus. 126 Is it possible ? 

Pam. She entreated me to promise this as a 
pledge that I would not forsake her. 

Daius. Enough. I will be on my guard ; but 
here comes your father : take care that you do 
not appear melancholy or embarrassed. 

Scene V. 

Davus, Pamphilus, Simo. 

Si mo. [to himself.'] 1 am come back again, to 
see what they are about; or what course they /< 
solve upon. 



42 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT II. 

Davus. He is fully persuaded that you will re- 
fuse to marry, and has been ruminating by him- 
self in some corner, where he has prepared 
an harangue with which he expects to em- 
barrass you : therefore take care to be on your 
guard. 

Pam. I will, Davus, if I can. 

Davus. Do but tell him that you are ready to 
marry in obedience to his wishes, and you'll 
strike the old gentleman dumb : he'll not men- 
tion the subject again, I'll answer for it. 

Scene VI. 
Simo, Davus, Pamphilus, Byrrhia. 

Byrr. [to himself.'] My master has given me 
orders to lay all other business aside and watch 
Pamphilus to-day, that I may discover how he 
acts touching this marriage ; so l27 as I saw the 
old man coming this way, I followed him. Oh ! 
here is Davus, and his master with him : now 
then to execute my commission. 

Simo. Oh ! there they are together. 

Davus. [aside to Pamphilus.'] Now, Sir, be 
on your guard. 

Simo. Pamphilus. 



Scene VI.] the andrian, 45 

Davus. [aside to Pamphilus], Turn round 
suddenly, as if you had not perceived him. 

Pam. Ha ! my father. 

Davus. [aside.'] Acted to the life. 

Simo. I intend, (as I told you before), to have 
you married to-day. 

Byrr. [aside.] Now for my master's l28 sake, 
I dread to hear his answer. 

Pam. You shall not find me tardy in obeying 
your commands, Sir, either on this, or any other 
subject. 

Byrr. [aside.] Ha ! I am m struck dumb. 
What did he say ? 

Simo. You do your duty, when you meet my 
wishes with a ready compliance. 

Davus. [aside to Pam.] Was I not right, Sir? 

Byrr. [aside.] From what I hear, I fancy my 
master has nothing to do, but to provide himself 
with another mistress as soon as possible 130 . 

Simo. Now, Pamphilus, go in immediately, 
that you may be ready when you are wanted. 

Pam. 1 go, Sir. [Exit.] 

Byrr. [aside.] Is there no honour, no since- 
rity in any man ? I find th 3 cc mmon proverb to 
be true. Every man loves himself best. I have 
seen Philumena, and I remember that I thought 
her charming ; in truth, I cannot much blame 



44j THE ANDRIAN. [ACT II. 

Pamphilus, that he had rather wed her himself 
than yield herto my master. Well, I'll carry him 
an account of what has passed. I suppose I 
shall receive an abundance of bad language in 
return for my bad news 131 . [Exit.'] 

Scene VII. 

Davus, SlMO. 

Davus. [aside.] The old man thinks I have 
some scheme on foot, and stay here now to play 
it off upon him. 

Simo. Well, what says Davus ? 

Davus. Nothing, Sir 3 just at present. 

Simo. Nothing ? indeed ! 

Davus. Nothing at all. 

Simo. But yet I expected something. 

Davus. [aside."] He 132 has missed his aim ! I 
see this nettles him to the quick. 

Simo. Is it possible that for once you can 
speak truth ? 

Davus. Nothing can be easier. 

Simo. Tell me then, does not this marriage 
very much distress my son, on account of his 
partiality for this Andrian. 

Davus. By Hercules, not at all : or if indeed 



Scene VII.] the andria^n. 45 

lie feels a slight uneasiness for a day or two, you 
know it will not last longer than that, for he has 
reflected on the subject, and sees it in its true 
light, I assure you, Sir. 

Simo. I commend him for it. 

Davus. While circumstances allowed liim, and 
while 133 his youth in some measure excused him, 
I confess he did intrigue a little ; but then he 
took care to conceal it from the world : he was 
cautious, l34 as a gentleman should be, not to dis- 
grace himself by giving room for any scandalous 
reports ; but now as he must marry, he inclines 
his thoughts to marriage. 

Simo. Yet, he appeared to me, to be rather 
melancholy 13 -. 

Davus. Not at all on that account, but he is a 
little vexed with you. 

Simo. About what ? 

Davus. Oh ! a mere trifle. 

Simo. But what is it ? 

Davus. Nothing worth speaking of. 

Simo. But tell me what it is ? 

Davus. He says you are too sparing of your 
purse. 

Simo. Who ? I ? 

Davus. You. My father, said he, has scarcely 
spent ten drachms for the wedding supper m : 



46 THE ANDRIAtf. [ActII. 

does this look like the marriage of his son ? I 
cannot invite my companions even on such an 
occasion as this. Indeed, Sir 13? , I think you 
are too frugal : it is not well timed. 

Simo. [angrily.] Hold your tongue. 

Davus. [aside.] I've 136 ruffled him now ! 

Simo. I will take care that every thing is as it 
should be. Away ! [Exit Davus,] What can 
all this be about? what can this crafty knave 
mean r if there is any mischief on foot, this fel- 
low is sure to be the contriver of it. 



END OF THE SECOND ACT. 



ACT III. 



Scene I. 



Mysis,Simo, Davus, Lesbia 139 , Glycera uo . 

Mysis. Indeed, LewSbia, what you say is very 
true : one scarcely ever meets with a constant 
lover. 

[Simo to Davus.] This girl belongs to Gly- 
cera ! Ha ! Davus ? 

Davus. Yes. 

Mysis. But as for Pamphilus — — — 

Simo. [aside.'] What's that ? 

Mysis. He has kept his promise. 

Simo. [aside.] Ha! 

Davus [aside.] Would to Heaven that he were 
deaf, or that she were dumb. 

Mysis. For girl, or boy, he has given orders 
that the child shall be brought up H1 . 

Simo. O Jupiter ! what do I hear ? it is all 
over, if what she says be truth. 



48 THE ANDRIAN. [Act III. 

Lesbia. What you tell me, is a proof of a good 
disposition. 

Mysis. His is most excellent ; but now let us 
go, lest we should be wanted before we arrive. 

Lesbia. I follow you. [They go in .] 

Davus. [aside.] Here's a pretty disaster ! how 
shall I be able to remedy this evil ? 

[Simo to himself.'] What's this ? Is he so mad ? 
A foreigner too ! l42 phoo ! now I see through it 
all ! how simple I must be not to discover it at 
first. 

Davus. What does he say he has discovered? 

Simo. Davus, that indefatigable contriver of 
mischief, is the chief mover of all this roguery. 
They pretend the birth of a child, that they may 
deter Chremes from the match. 

[Glycera cries out from the house.] O Juno 
Lucina, help ! save me ! I beseech thee 143 . 

Simo. Hey day! what already! ha! ha! ha! 
how preposterous! the moment she finds out 
that I am within hearing, she begins to cry out. 
Why, Davus, your incidents are not well 144 timed 
at all, man. 

Davus. Mine ! 

Simo. Have your actors forgotten their parts ? 

Davus. I don't understand you really, Sir. 

Simo. What an object of derision! what a 



CENE II.] THE ANDRIAN. 49 

laughing-stock 145 would this rascal have made of 
me, if he had played off this fine trick in a real 
marriage : but now he is shipwrecked whilst I 
am safe in port. 

Scene II. 

Lesbia, Simo, Davus. 

Lesbia. Hitherto, Archillis, she has all the 
usual symptoms of doing well. Now, first, 
let her be bathed 145 : and, after that, give her 
the drink, in the quantities I directed. I shall 
return immediately. Upon my life, Pamphilus 
has got a very pretty boy. Heaven grant he 
may live to make a good man ! for his father is 
a worthy youth, who would not wrong this in- 
nocent young creature. [Exit. 

Simo. (to Davus.) Could any one, who knew 
you, doubt for a moment that you were the 
contriver of this ? 

Davus. Contriver ! of what, Sir ? 

Simo. The midwife never gave her orders 
about the treatment of her patient while she was 
in the house : but, after she was come out of 
doors, she bawls from the street to those within. 
O Davus, am I so despised by you ? or do I 
appear to you a fit subject to practise such 



50 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT III. 

barefaced tricks upon? The least you could 
have done, was to have acted cautiously, that I 
might, at any rate, seem to be feared, if I had 
discovered it. 

Davus. (aside.) By Jupiter, he cheats him- 
self : I am sure I've no hand in it. 

Simo. Did I not warn you ? Did I not threaten 
you with the consequences of this ? But what 
care you ? 'Twas all to no purpose ! Do you 
think that I really believe that Glycera has 
borne a child to Pamphilus ? 

Davus. I see his error now, and know my cue. 

Simo. Why don't you speak ? 

Davus. What! not believe it ! as if you had 
not been told of all this before ! 

Simo. I told of it ! 

Davus. Ha ! ha ! Could you, of yourself, 
have discovered that this was all pretended ? 

Simo. I am laughed at ! 

Davus. You must have been told of it : how 
else could you have suspected any thing ? 

Simo. How ! because I know you thoroughly, 
sirrah. 

Davus. Meaning, Sir, I suppose, that this 
was done by my advice ? 

Simo. Certainly : there can't be the least 
doubt of that. 



Scene II.] the andrian. 51 

Davus. I'm sorry, Simo, that you don't yet 
know me better. 

Simo. What ! not know you ? 
Davus. The moment I begin to speak, you 
imagine that I am trying to impose upon you. 

Simo. Quite without cause, hey, Mr. Inno- 
cence ? 

Davus. Truly, at this rate, I shall hardly dare 
open my 147 mouth. 

Simo. One thing I am sure of; that this 
child-birth is all counterfeited. 

Davus. You have discovered the truth ; but, 
nevertheless, they will not fail to lay a child at 
our door very shortly. I tell you, Sir, before- 
hand, that this will happen, that you may be 
prepared for it i and not afterwards say, that it 
was done by the advice and contrivance of Da- 
vus. Indeed, Sir, I wish to remove the unjust 
opinion you entertain of me. 
Simo. How do you know this ? 
Davus. I heard it, and believe it to be true. 
Many circumstances induce me to form this 
conjecture. First of all, this girl affirms that 
she is with child by Pamphilus, which I have 
discovered to be false. Now, finding that the 
marriage preparations are going forward in our 
house 148 , she sends her maid to fetch a midwife, 
D 2 



52 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT III, 

and to provide a child 149 : at the same time, 
thinking that unless they managed that you 
should see a child, the marriage would not be 
impeded. 

Simo. But, as you had discovered all this, 
why did you not directly acquaint my son with 
their designs ? 

Davus. Why, Sir, who was it that prevailed 
on him to break off the connexion? was it not 
Davus ? We all know how madly he loved her : 
but now, on the contrary, he prudently re- 
solves to marry. In short, Sir, leave this busi- 
ness to me : and do you persevere, (as you have 
begun,) in forwarding the marriage : and, I 
trust, that Heaven will be propitious to your 
endeavours ! 

Simo. Well, uow> go in, and wait for me. 

Scene IIL 

Simo. 

Simo. I am not exactly inclined to believe 
this fellow ; and I know not whether all that he 
has been telling me is true, neither do I much 
care. Pamphilus has given me his promise; 
that I conceive to be of the greatest conse- 
quence. Now, I will go to Chremes, and 



Scene III.] the andrian. 53 

entreat him to give his daughter to my son. If 
I prevail, what can I do better than celebrate the 
marriage this very day ? As for Pamphilus, if 
he refuse, I have no doubt I can compel him to 
keep his promise 150 . And, most opportunely 
for my purpose, I see Chremes himself coming 
this way. 

Scene IV. 

Simo, Chremes I31 . 

Simo* Chremes, I am very glad to see you ! 

Chremes. O ! Simo, I was looking for you. 

Simo. And I for you. 

Chremes. I meet you most opportunely. Se- 
veral persons came to me, and asserted, that you 
had told them, that my daughter was to be 
given in marriage to your son to-day. For this 
reason, I came to see whether they have lost 
their senses, or you your's. 

Simo. Hear me, Chremes; and you shall 
know, both what you come to ask, and what I 
desire of you. 

Chremes. I am all attention : pray proceed. 

Simo. I conjure you, by the gods, and by our 
friendship, Chremes, which has grown up with 
D 3 



54 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT III. 

us from our earliest years, and strengthened with 
our age : for the sake of your daughter, your 
only child : and, for the sake of my son, whose 
welfare depends entirely upon you; I entreat 
you to assist me in this affair : and renew your 
consent to the marriage of our children. 

Chremes. Ah, Simo, what need of prayers ? as 
if it were necessary to use so much entreaty with 
me, your friend. Do you think that I am less 
your friend than when I offered my daughter to 
your son? If the marriage will conduce to their 
mutual happiness, in Heaven's name, send for 
my daughter, and let them marry at once z but, 
if it be found, that it would tend to the detri- 
ment, rather than to the advantage, of both ; I 
beseech you to consult their mutual benefit, 
without partiality, as if you were the father of 
Philumena, and I of Pamphilus. 

Simo. Truly, Chremes, it is with that view 
that I wish their union, and entreat you to con- 
sent to it. Neither should I press it so ear- 
nestly upon you, if the present aspect of the 
affair did not justify my urgency. 
Chremes. How so, pray ? 
Simo. Glycera and my son have quarrelled ! 
Chremes. Indeed ! I hear you. 



S^eneIV.] the andrian. o5 

Simo. And the breach between them is so 
great, that I trust that we shall be able entirely 
to detach Pamphilus from her society, 

Chremes. Fables ! 

Simo, Upon my honour what I tell you is a 
fact. 

Chremes. A fact, by Hercules, that I'll ex- 
plain to you. The quarrels of lovers, is the re- 
newal 152 of their love. 

Simo. You are right, and that is the reason of 
my request : I am anxious that we should seize 
this opportunity to prevent them, while his love 
is weakened by her insolence and upbraidings. 
Let us then hasten his marriage, before the arti- 
fices and hypocritical tears of these creatures 
recal his love-sick mind to pity. And, 1 trusty 
Chremes, that a well-assorted marriage, and the 
endearing society of his wife, will enable my 
son to extricate himself easily from their toils. 

Chremes. You may view the affair in that 
light: but I cannot think, either that Pamphilus 
could be faithful to my daughter, or that I could 
bear to see him otherwise. 

Simo. But how do you know that, without 
you put him to the trial. 

Chremes. But to stake the happiness of my 
daughter on that trial, is hard indeed. 
D 4 



56 THE ANDR1AN. [ACT III- 

Simo. Yet the most serious mischief, after all, 
can amount but to a separation l53 , which may the 
gods avert. But, on the other hand, if he ful- 
fils our wishes, consider the advantages that will 
result from the marriage : in the first place, you 
will restore to your friend a son : you will ensure 
to yourself, a dutiful son : and, to your daughter, 
a faithful husband. 

Chrernes. What occasion for so many words : 
if you think this step so very essential to reclaim 
your son, I should be sorry to throw any impe- 
diment in your way. 

Simo. O Chrernes ! you well deserve the love 
I've always borne you. 

Chrernes. But tell me 

Simo. What ? 

Chrernes. How did you learn their quarrel ? 

Simo. I was informed of it by Davus himself, 
who is the confidant of all their counsels ; and 
he persuaded me to do all in my power to for- 
ward the marriage : would he have done so, do 
you think, had he not known it to be consonant 
to my son's wishes ? But you yourself shall hear 
what he says. Within, there : send Davus hi- 
ther ; but here he is, I see him coming forth. 



Scene V.] the andrian. 57 

Scene V. 
Simo, Chremes, Davus. 

Davus. I was coming to you, Sir, 

Simo. What is it? 

Davus. Why is not the bride brought? it 
grows late 154A . 

Simo. (to Chremes.) Do you hear him ? I 
confess to you, Davus, that, till lately, I have 
been fearful, that you would prove perfidious ,54B , 
like the common herd of slaves, and deceive me 
in this intrigue of Pamphilus. 

Davus. I do such a thing, Sir ! 

Simo. 1 did suspect it, and, on that very ac- 
count, I concealed from you what I will now 
disclose. 

Davus. What is that, Sir? 

Simo. You shall hear : for, at last, I begiu 
to think that I may trust you. 

Davus. Ah, Sir, you now appreciate my 
character as you ought ; you now see what kind 
of man I am. 

Simo. This marriage was all counterfeited. 

Davus. Counterfeited ! 

Simo. Yes, for the purpose of proving you 
d 5 



58 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT III. 

and my son, and to try how you would re- 
ceive the proposal, 

Davus. How ! is it possible ? 

Simo. Fact, I assure you. 

Davus. I never could have fathomed this de- 
sign ; what a profound contrivance ! deep, Sir, 
very deep, (bantering.) 

Simo. But hear me out. After I sent you in, 
I most opportunely met my friend Chremes. 

Davus. (aside.) How ! what does he say ? 
All is lost, I fear. 

Simo. I related to him what you had just be- 
fore related to me. 

Davus. (aside.) What do I hear ! 

Simo. I entreated him to give his daughter to 
Pamphilus, and, with great difficulty, prevailed 
upon him to consent. 

Davus. (aside.) How unfortunate ! 

Simo. Ha! what's that you say l55 ? 

Davus. How very fortunate, I say. 

Simo. Chremes now consents to an immediate 
union. 

Chremes. Well, I will now return home, and 
order every thing to be prepared : when all is 
ready, I shall let you know. [Exit. 



Scene VI.] the andrian. 59 

Scene VI. 
Simo, Davus. 

Simo. Now, I entreat you, Davus, since you 
have brought about the marriage entirely by 
yourself 

Davits, (aside.) Yes, I have the credit of it 
entirely to myself. O ! curse my unlucky stars. 

Simo. to use all your influence with 

Pamphilus to induce him to give up his present 
connexion with Glycera. 

Davus. I'll do all in my power, Sir. 

Simo. You will find less difficulty now, while 
he is angry with his mistress. 

Davus. Be at ease, Sir, and rely on me. 

Simo. About it then at once : but where is my 
son now? 

Davus. I should not wonder if he were at 
home. 

Simo. I will go and tell him what I have just 
told you. 

Scene VII. 

Davus (alone). 

I am utterly undone : why do I not at once 
d 6 



60 THE ANDRIAN. [ActIII. 

go straight to the grinding-house. 'Twill be to 
no purpose to implore mercy : I've overturned 
everything. I have deceived the old man, and 
embarrassed the son with a marriage he detests ; 
which I have brought about this very day, 
though the father considered the attempt as 
hopeless ; and Pamphilus as the greatest evil 
that could befal him. O! wise Davus, if you 
had but been quiet, this mischief would never 
have happened. But, see, here come Pamphi- 
lus himself! I'm a dead man. O ! for some 
precipice that I might dash myself down head- 
long! [Retires* 

Scene VIII. 
Davis, Pamphilus. 

Para. Where is that villain who has ruined 
me ? 

Davits. ( aside.) I'm a lost man ! 

Pam. But I confess that I am justly punished 
for my imprudence : for my waut of common 
sense. Ought I to have confided my happiness 
to the keeping of such a shallow slave ? 1 only 
pay the penalty of my folly : however, the rascal 
shall not escape the punishment he so richly de- 
serves. 



Scene VIII. the andrian. 61 

Davits, (aside.) If I escape this time, I think 
I never need know fear again. 

Pam. And what can I say to my father ? Can 
I, who so lately promised to marry, now refuse r 
with what face can I venture on such a step as 
that ? I know not what to do ! 

Davus. (aside.) Nor I, though I am racking 
my brains to hit upon something. I will tell 
him that I have thought of an expedient to put 
off the marriage. 

Pam. (seeing Davus.) Oh ! 

Davus. 1 am seen ! 

Pam. Pray, good Sir, what have you to say 
for yourself? do you see what a fine situation 
your rare advice has reduced me to? 

Davas. But I will soon find an expedient to 
extricate you from it. 

Pam. You will find an expedient! 

Davus. Certainly, Sir. 

Pam. Like your last, I suppose. 

Davus. Better, I hope, Sir. 

Pam. What trust can I put in such a ras- 
cal 156 ? Can you remedy a misfortune, which ap- 
pears entirely ruinous ? Ah ! how foolishly I 
relied on you, who, out of a perfect calm ,57 , 
have raised this storm, and wrecked me on the 



62 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT III. 

rock of this accursed marriage! Did I not fore- 
warn you, that it would end thus ? 

Davus. You did, Sir, I confess. 

Pam. What do you deserve 1<58 ? 

Davus. Death* But allow me a short time 
to recover myself, and I will soon consider what 
is to be done ? 

Pam. Alas ! I have not time to punish you as 
you deserve : the present moment demands my 
attention to my own wretched affairs ; and will 
not suffer me to revenge myself on you. 



END OF THE THIRD ACT. 



ACT IV. 



Scene I. 



Charinus. (alone.) 

159 Is this credible, or to be mentioned as a 
truth, that any man can be so innately worthless, 
as to rejoice at the miseries and misfortunes of 
others, and even turn them to his own advan- 
tage ? Ah ! is it possible that such baseness can 
exist ? Those men have characters of the very 
worst description, who make a scruple to deny 
a favour ; and are ashamed 16 °, or unwilling to 
give a downright refusal at first ; but who, when 
the time arrives for the performance of their 
promises, necessarily expose themselves in their 
true colours; and, though they may hesitate, 
yet, circumstances compel them to give an ab- 
solute denial: and they will afterwards insult 
you with the most impertinent speeches, as, 
Who are you ? What are you to me ? Why should 



64 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT IV. 

I resign my mistress to you ? Every man for him- 
self, Sir, is my maxim ! And, if you upbraid 
them with their want of honour, they are not at 
all ashamed. Thus, when they ought to blush 
for their perfidy, they are shameless ! And, in 
the former case, when there was no cause for it, 
they are shamefaced and timorous! But what 
shall I do ? Shall I go and expostulate with him 
on his treachery ? I will ! and overwhelm him 
with reproaches; if any one tell me that no ad- 
vantage will result from it : I answer this, that I 
shall poison 161 his joy : and even that will yield 
me some satisfaction. 

Scene II. 

Charinus, Pamphilus, Davus. 

Pam. Oh ! Charinus, unless the gods assist 
us, my imprudence has undone both you and 
myself! 

Char. What! imprudence! So you found an 
excuse at last. You have broken your promise, 
Sir. 

Pam. How! at last ? 

Char. Do you think that any thing you can 
say will impose upon me a second time ? 

Pam. What do you mean, Sir ? 



Scene II.] the ajndrian. 65 

Char. As soon as I had told you of my love 
for Philumena, she pleased you forsooth ! Alas ! 
fool that I was ! I judged of your heart by my 
own. 1 believed you to be sincere, and you de- 
ceived me. 

Pam. You deceive yourself. 

Char. Did you think that your happiness 
would not be complete, unless you could de- 
lude an unfortunate lover by nourishing his vain 
hopes? Well, take her 16 * 2 . 

Pam. I take her ! Alas, you know not half 
the miseries that oppress me ; nor how my ras- 
cal Davus has embarrassed me with his perni- 
cious advice. 

Char. No wonder ! I suppose he follows the 
fine example you set him. 

Pam. You would not talk thus if you knew 
me, or my love. 

Char, (ironically.) Oh ! I know every thing : 
you have been in high dispute with your father ; 
and he is now most prodigiously angry with you : 
and has been striving, in vain, all this day, to 
prevail upon you to wed Philumena. 

Pam. To prove how little you know of my 
misfortunes, learn, that no marriage was ex- 
pected to take place : neither did my father 
think of constraining my inclinations. 



66 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT IV. 

Char. O no ! 'tis your inclinations that con- 
strain you. 

Pam. Hear me: you do not yet under- 
stand 

Char. I understand but too well that you are 
about to wed Philumena. 

Pam. Why do you vex me thus ,63 ? hear me, 
I say : he never ceased urging me to tell my 
father that I was ready to marry: he prayed, he 
entreated, until, at length, I was induced to 
comply. 

Char. Who did this ? 

Pam. Davus. 

Char. Davus ? 

Pam. Davus has marred all. 

Char. Why? 

Pam. I know not, unless the gods, in their 
anger, decreed that I should follow his perni- 
cious counsel. 

Char, Is this so, Davus ? 

Davus. It is indeed but too true. 

Char. What can you say for yourself, you 
rascal ? May the gods punish you as you de- 
serve ! Answer me, Slave, I say, if his greatest 
enemies had been desirous of entangling him in 
this marriage, what worse advice could they 
possibly have given him ? 



Scene II.] the andiiian. 67 

Davus. I have been deceived, but am not dis- 
heartened. 

Char. Indeed ! 

Davus. Our last plan was unsuccessful, but 
we'll try another : unless you think that because 
the first prospered so indifferently, the evil can- 
not be remedied ? 

Pam. Oh, far otherwise! for I have no 
doubt, that if that wise head of yours goes to 
work, instead of the one wife you have pro- 
vided me with already, you'll find me two. 

Davus. Pamphilus, I am your slave; and, as 
such, it is my duty to exert myself to the ut- 
most to serve you, to labour for you night and 
day, and even to expose my life to peril, to do 
you service; but, 'tis your part, if any thing 
should happen cross, to pardon me: my en- 
deavours have been unsuccessful 'tis true ; but, 
indeed, I did my best; if you can do better, 
dismiss me. 

Pam. Certainly ; but first place me in the 
situation in which you found me. 

Davus. 1 will. 

Pam. But it must be done directly. 

Davus. Hist ! Glycera's door opens I64 . 

Pam. What can that signify to you ? 

Davus. I'm studying for an expedient. 



08 THE AHDR1AX. [AcT IV. 

Pam. How, at last! 

Davits. And have no doubt but I shall soon 
lind one. 

Scene III. 

Pamphilus, Charinus, Davus, Mysis. 

My sis. (speaking to Glycera zcithin.) I will 
directly, Madam; wherever he may be, I'll 
take care to find your dear 165 Pamphilus, and 
bring him to you : only, my love, let me beg 
of you not to make yourself so wretched. 

Pam. Mysis ! 

Mysis. Who is that? Ah ! Pamphilus ! you 
come most opportunely. 

Pam. What's the matter ? 

Mi/sis. My mistress conjures you by the love 
you bear her, to come to her instantly : she 
says, she shall be miserable till she sees you. 

Pam. Heavens ! I'm quite distracted : (to 
Davus.) Villain! behold the misery to which 
we are reduced : this is your work ! she has 
heard of the intended marriage, and therefore 
sends for me. 

Char. All would have been quiet, if that fel- 
low had but been quiet. 

Davus. (to Charinus.) W T ell done ! if he does 



Scene III.] the andrian. 69 

not rave enough of himself, do try to make him 
worse. 

Mi/sis. It is the rumour of your approaching 
marriage with Philumena that makes her so mi- 
serable. 

Pam. Mysis, I solemnly swear to you by all 
the gods, that I never will forsake her; no, 
though my love for her should make all mankind 
my foes, I never, never will forsake her. I 
wooed, and made her mine; our souls accord ; 
and I will hold no communion with those who 
wish to separate us : death alone shall part us. 
Mysis. Your words revive me, Pamphilus. 
Pam. 166 The oracles of Apollo are not more 
true. I wish, that, if it be possible, my father 
should not think that I throw any impediments 
in the way of the marriage : if not, I will do 
what will be easily done, tell him frankly that I 
cannot marry Chremes's daughter. Channus, 
what do you think of me? 

Char. That you are as wretched as I am. 
Davus. I am studying for an expedient. 
Char, (to Pamphilus.) But you are constant 
and courageous 167 . 

Pam. (to Davus.) I know what you would 
attempt 168 . 



70 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT IV 

Davus. I will both attempt, and accomplish 
it, rest assured, Sir. 

Pam. But it must be done immediately. 

Davus. It shall be done immediately. 

Char. What is your plan ? 

Davus. (to Charinus.) Do not deceive your- 
self, Sir ; 'tis not for you, but for my master 
that I am scheming. 

Char. Enough. 

Pam. What are you going to do? tell me l< *. 

Davus. I am afraid that this day will scarcely 
afford me sufficient time for action : I am sure 
1 have none to waste in talking : let me beg you 
both to withdraw from this place : you hinder 
me from putting my designs into execution. 

Pam. I will go to my Glycera. [Exit, 

Scene IV. 

Davus, Charinus, Mysis. 

Davus. (to Charinus.) And you, Sir, where 
are you going ? 

Char. Shall I tell you the truth ? 

Davus. Oh ! by all means. Now for a Ion* 
story, (aside.) 

Char. What will become of me ? 



.. 



Scene IV.] the andrian. 71 

Davus. Heyday! modest enough this, i'faith ! 
is it not sufficient that I give you a respite by 
putting off the marriage ? 

Char. Yet, Davus 

Davus. What now ? 

Char. Could I but wed her ! 

Davus. Absurd. 

Char. If you can assist me, let me see you 
soon. 

Davus. Why should I come, I can do no- 
thing ? 

Char. Yet, if you should be able— 

Davus. Well, then I will come. 

Char. If you want me, I shall be at home. 

[Exit. 

Scene V. 

Davus, Mysis. 

Davus. Mysis, do you wait here for me a 
moment, till I come out again ? 
Mysis. Why? 
Davus. It must be so. 
Mysis. Make haste then. 
Davus. I'll return directly, I tell you. 

[Goes into the house. 



72 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT IV. 

Scene VI. 

Mysis {alone.) 

Is there no reliance to be placed in any thing in 
this world ? Heaven preserve me, I thought 
Pamphilus my mistress's chief blessing : a friend, 
a lover, a husband, always ready to cherish and 
protect her : but, alas ! what misery does she 
now endure on his account : hitherto he has been 
to her a source of more evil than good 17 °. But 
here comes Davus ! bless me, man, what are 
you about? where are you going to carry the 
child ? 

Scene VII. 

Mysts, Davus, {with Gh/cera's child. 

Davus. Now, Mysis, I want you to assist me 
in this affair with all your ready wit, artifice, and 
dexterity. 

Mysis. What are you going to do ? 

Davus. Take the child from me directly, and 
lay him down at our door 171 . 

Mysis. Mercy on me ! what, upon the bare 
sround ? 



Scene VII.] the andrian. 73 

Davus. You may take some of the herbs 
from that altar, and strew them under him 172 . 

My sis. But why don't you lay him there 
yourself? 

Davus. That if my master should require me 
to swear that I did not do it; I may take the 
oath with a safe conscience 173 . 

Mysis. I understand you. But tell me, Da- 
vus, how long has your conscience been so 
scrupulously nice ? 

Davus. Make haste, that 1 may tell you fur- 
ther what I mean to do. Oh, Jupiter ! 

Mysis. What? 

Davus. (to himself.) The father of the bride 
is coming this way : I abandon my first design. 

Mysis. I don't understand this 174 . 

Davus. I will pretend to come from the right: 
do you take care to second what I say, as you 
see occasion. [he retires 

Mysis. I can't make out a syllable of all this : 
but, if I can be of any use, (which you know 
better than I,) I will stay; lest, otherwise, I 
should be any hinderance to your plans. 



74 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT IV, 



Scene VIII. 
Chremes, Mysis, Davus. 



Chremes. (to himself.) Well, having prepared 
every thing for the marriage of my daughter, I 
am returned to inform them that they may now 
send for her. But what do I see ? by Hercules, 
'tis a child ! Woman, did you lay it there ? 

Mysis. Where can Davus be ? 

Chremes. Why don't you answ r er me ? 

Mysis. (aside.) Ah ! he is not here. Mercy 
on me, the fellow has left me here, and gone 
away. 

Davus. (speaking loud, and pretending not to 
see Chremes.) Heavens ! what a crowd there is 
in the Forum ! what a wrangling ! provisions too 
are very dear. ( Aside.) What else to say I 
know not. 

Mysis. (aside to Davus.) In Heaven's name, 
how could you think of leaving me here alone? 

Davus. (aloud.) Ha ! what plot is this ? My- 
sis, whose child is this ? who brought it here ? 

Mysis. (aside to Davus.) Are you mad to ask 
me such a question ? 



i 



Scene VIIL] the andrian. To 

Davus. Whom should I ask? I can see no 
one else here 175 . 

Chremes. (aside.) I wonder whose child it is ! 

Davus. Will you answer me or not ? 

My sis. Ah! 

Davus. (aside to Mysis.) Move to the right. 

My sis. Are you mad ? was it not yourself? 

Davus. (aside to Mysis.) Take care not to 
say a single syllable, except exact answers to 
the questions I put to you. 

Mysis. Do you threaten me ? 

Davus. Whose child is it ? ( Aside to Mysis.) 
Speak. 

Mysis. From our house. 

Davus. Ha ! ha ! this woman's impudence is 
wonderful ! 

Chremes. (aside.) This girl belongs to the 
Andrian, I am pretty sure. 

Davus. Do we seem so fit to be imposed 
upon ? 

Chremes. (aside.) I came just in time. 

Davus. (quite loud.) Make haste, and take 
the brat from our door. (Aside to Mysis.) Don't 
stir a step. 

Mysis. The deuce l76 take you, fellow, for ter- 
rifying me in this manner. 

Davus. Do you hear me or not ? 
e 2 



76 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT IV. 

Mysis. What do you want ? 

Davus. What! must I tell you again! whose 
child have you brought here ? Answer me. 

Mi/sis. You know well enough whose child 
it is. 

Davus. Never mind what I know : tell me 
what I ask. 

My sis. It belongs to your family. 

Davits. To our family ! but to which of us ? 

My sis. To Pamphilus. 

Davus. Hey ! what ? to Pamphilus ? (very 
loud.) 

My>is. Yes, can you deny it ? 

Chr ernes, (aside.) I acted wisely in avoiding 
the match 177 . 

Davus. What a disgraceful trick ! it ought to 
be publicly exposed. 

Mysis. What are you making so much noise 
about ? 

Davus. What did I see brought to your house 
yesterday ? 

Mysis. O ! impudent fellow ! 

Davus. 'Tis true : I saw old Canthara, with 
something under her cloak 176 . 

Mysis. Thank Heaven, that there were some 
free women present when my mistress was deli- 
vered 1T9A . 



Scene VIII.] the andrian. 77 

Davus. She knows little of the man she wants 
to practise these tricks upon : do you think that 
if Chremes saw this child before our door, he 
would refuse us his daughter on that account ? 
I say he would give her more willingly. 

Chremes. (aside.) Not he, indeed. 

Davus. And, to be short with you, that you 
may understand me at once, if you don't take 
away the child instantly, I'll roll him into the 
middle of the street, and you, Madam, into the 
kennel. 

Mysis. 179B By Pollux, fellow, you are drunk. 

Davus. One falsehood brings on anothei : 
180 1 hear it whispered about, that she is a citi- 
zen of Athens. 

Chremes. (aside.) How ! 

Davus. And that he will be compelled to 
marry her 181 . 

Mysis. What then, pray, is she not a citizen i 

Chremes. (aside.) By Jupiter, I have nar- 
rowly escaped making myself a common laugh- 
ing-stock to all the town. 

Davus. (turning round suddenly.) Who 
speaks there ? Oh Chremes ! you are come just 
in time : listen 

Chremes. I have heard every thing. 

Davus. What, Sir, heard all, did you say ? 
e 3 



78 THE AND1UAN. [Act IV. 

Chremes. I tell you, I heard all from the be- 
ginning. 

Davus. (half aloud.) He has heard all: what 
an 182 accident! — this impudent wench ought to 
be taken hence and punished 183 : (lo Mysis.) 
This is Chremes himself : think not that you can 
impose upon Davus. 

Mysis. Alas ! dear Sir, indeed I have said 
nothing but the truth. 

Chremes. I know every thing. Is Simo at 
home ? 

Davus. Yes, Sir. [Exit Chremes. 

Scene IX. 

Mysis, Davus, (overjoyed, offers to take her 
hand.) 

Mysis. Don't touch me, you villain : if I 
don't tell my mistress all this, may I be — 

Davus. Hey-day ! you silly wench : You 
don't know 7 what we have just done. 

Mysis. How should I ? 

Davus. m That was the bride's father : I 
wished him to know all this ; and there was no 
other way to acquaint him with it. 

Mysis. You should have given me notice 
then. 



Scene IX.] the andrian. 79 

Davus. m Do you think a thing of this sort 
can be done as well by premeditating and study- 
ing, as by acting according to the natural im- 
pulse of the moment. 

Scene X. 

Crito 186 , Mysis, Davus. 

Crito. (to himself.) I am told, that this is the 
street in which Chrysis dwelt ; who chose to 
amass wealth here, in a manner not the most un- 
exceptionable, rather than live in honest poverty 
in her own 187 country. That wealth, however, 
now devolves to me 188 . But I see some per- 
sons of whom I can inquire. God save you. 

Mj/sis. lby Bless me ! whom do I see? is not 
this Crito the kinsman of Chrysis ? It is. 

Crito. Oh, Mysis ! God save you. 

Mysis. God save you, Crito. 

Crito. Alas ! 190 poor Chrysis is then gone. 

Mysis. She is indeed : and the loss of her has 
almost ruined us. 

Crito. What! you? how so? has any other 
misfortune happened to you ? how do you live 
now, Mysis ? 

Mysis. Oh ! we live as we can, as the saying 
goes : since we cannot live as we would. 
E 4 



80 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT IV. 

Crito. Has Glycera discovered her parents 
here ? 

Mysis. Would to Heaven she had. 

Crito. Not yet! In an evil hour then came 
I here : for, in truth, if 1 had known that, I 
would not have set a foot in this city. Glycera 
was always treated as, and called the sister of, 
Chrysis ; and has in possession what property 
she left : and the example of others w>ill teach 
me what ease, redress, and profit, I have to 
expect from m a suit at law : besides, I suppose, 
by this time, she has some lover to espouse her 
cause ; for, she was no longer in her childhood, 
when she left the isle of Andros. I should be 
railed at as a beggar, and a pitiful legacy- 
hunter. Besides, I never could be cruel enough 
to reduce her to poverty. 

Mysis. O excellent Crito ! I see you are still 
the same worthy soul you used to be. 

Crito. Well, since I am come, let me see the 
poor girl. 

Mysis. By all means. 

Davus. I will go with them : as I don't wish 
to meet with our old gentleman just at this time. 



END OF THE FOURTH ACT. 



ACT V. 



Scene I. 



Chremes, Simo. 

Chremes. Cease your entreaties, Simo ; enough, 
192 and more than enough have I already shewn 
my friendship towards you : enough have I 
risked for you. In my endeavours to oblige 
you, I have nearly trifled away my daughter's 
happiness. 

Simo. Nay, Chremes, it is now more than 
ever that I beg, and even implore that the kind- 
ness you granted me by promise, may now be 
fulfilled in deed. 

Chremes. Your eagerness to obtain what you 
desire makes you unjust, and forgetful of your 
usual friendship and consideration ; for, if you 
reflected for a moment on what you ask of me, 
you would cease to urge me to do myself such 
an injustice. 

E 5 



82 THE ANDRIAN* [ACT V. 

Si?no. What injustice. 

Chremes, Cau you ask r you prevailed on me 
to choose as my daughter's husband, a young 
man distracted with love for another, and de- 
testing every thought of marriage : if this union 
had been consummated, it would have in thralled 
her with a husband who would not have loved 
her, and exposed her to all the miseries of an 
unhappy union : that, at the expense of her 
happiness, I might attempt the cure of yom; 
son. You obtained your request: the treaty 
w r ent forward, while circumstances allowed of 
it ; but now the affair wears a different aspect, 
be satisfied, and bear your disappointment with 
temper. It is said that Glycera is a citizen of 
Athens ; 193 and that she has a son by Pam- 
philus : this sets us free. 

Simo. I conjure you, Chremes, by the gods, 
not to suffer yourself to be led away by those 
who wish to make their advantage of my son's 
follies : all those reports are invented and spread 
abroad, with a view to prevent the marriage : 
when their cause ceases, they will cease also. 

Chremes. You are mistaken : I myself saw 
the Andrian's maid quarrelling with Davus. 

Sirno. Oh, no doubt ! that I can easily be- 
lieve. 



Scene I.] the andrian. 83 

Chremes. But, in earnest ; when neither knew 
that I was present. 

Simo. I believe it: for Davus told me not 
long ago that it would be so : and I can't think 
how 1 could forget to tell you of it, as I in- 
tended. 

Scene IL 

Chremes, Simo, Davus. 

Davus. (to himself.) I banish care. 

Chremes. Here comes Davus. 

Simo. Where does he come from ? 

Davus. (to himself.) By virtue of the stran- 
ger's assistance, and my sovereign skill and in- 
genuity. 

Simo. What's the matter now ? 

Davus. (to himself.) I never saw 7 any man ar- 
rive more opportunely. 

Simo. Whom is this rascal praisng 

Davus. (to himself.) All now is safe. 

Simo. W 7 hat hinders me from speaking to 
him? 

Davus. (aside.) 'Tis my master, what shall I 
do? 

Simo. (sneering.) God save you, worthy Sir. 
e 6 



84 THE ANDR1AN. [AdV. 

Davus. Oh ! Simo, and our Chremes, all 
things are now prepared within. 

Simo. You've taken good care, no doubt ! 

Davus. Send for the bride as soon as you 
please. 

Simo. Very well, but Pamphilus is absent 
now : however, do you answer me : what busi- 
ness had you in that house ? 

Davus. (confused.) Who ? I ? 

Simo. You. 

Davus. I, do you say ? 

Simo. Yes, you, I say. 

Davus. I went in just now. 

Si?no. As if I asked him how long it was ago, 

Davus. With Pamphilus. 

Simo. How ! is Pamphilus there ? wretch that 
lam! I'm half distracted ! ha! rascal, did you 
not tell me that they were at variance. 

Davus. So they are. 

Simo. Why then is he there ? 

Chremes. (sneering.) Oh! he's gone to quar- 
rel with her, no doubt. 

Davus. Oh yes, and Chremes, I will' tell 
you of a most curious affair. An old man, 
whose name I know not, arrived here just now ; 
he seems both shrewd and coufident ; his man- 
ners and appearance command respect; there 



Scene III.] the andrian. 85 

m is a grave severity in his countenance; and 
he speaks with boldness. 

Simo. What's all this about, sirrah ? 

Davus. Nothing, truly, but what I heard him say 

Simo. And what does he say ? 

Davus. That he can prove Glycera to be a 
xitizen of Athens. 

Simo. (in a passion.) Ho ! Dromo ! Dromo ! 

Davus. What's the matter ? 

Simo. Dromo ! 

Davus. Only hear me. 

Simo. If you dare to say another word.— 
Dromo, 1 say ! 

Davus. Hear me, Sir, 1 beseech you. 

Scene III. 

Simo, Chremes, Davus, Dromo. 

Dromo. What's your pleasure, Sir. 

Simo. Seize this rascal directly, and take him 
away I95 . 

Dromo. Whom ? 

Simo. Davus. 

Davus. W 7 hy? 

Simo. Because it is my pleasure. Away with 
him, I say. 

Davus. What have I done ? 



^ 



86 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT V. 

Simo. Away with him. 

Davus. If you find that I have spoken falsely, 
kill me. 

Simo. I'll not hear a single word. I'll ruffle 
you now, rascal, I will. 

Davus. For all that, what I say is true. 

Simo. For all that, Dromo, take care to 
keep him bound, 196 and, do you hear ? chain 
him up hands and feet together. Go, sirrah, 
if I live, I'll shew you what it is to impose upon 
your master, and Pamphilus also shall learn that 
an indulgent father is not to be deceived with 
impunity. [Exeunt Dromo and Davus. 

Ckremes. Ah! Simo, check your excessive rage. 

Simo. Chremes, is this the duty that a father 
ought to expect from his son ? Do you not pity 
me, that I am made so anxious by a son? Oh 
Pamphilus ! Pamphilus ! come forth : have you 
no shame ? 

Scene IV. 

Simo, Chremes, Pamphilus. 

Pam. Who calls me? 'Tis my father! lam 
undone. 

Simo, What can you say for yourself? of all 
the- 






Scene l\ r .] the andrian. 87 

Chremes. (interrupting,) Ah! come to the 
point at once, and spare your reproaches. 

Simo. Reproaches ! Can any be too severe for 
him ? Tell me, (to Pampkilus.) do you assert 
that Glycera is a citizen of Athens ? 

Pam. I have heard that she is. 

Simo. You have heard it ! Oh impudence! 
Now does he seem to care for what he says? 
does he seem to repent of his folly ? does he be- 
tray any symptoms of shame ? can he be so 
weak ? 197 so totally regardless of the customs 
and laws of his country, and his father's com- 
mands, as to wish to degrade himself by an in- 
famous union with this woman ? 

Pam. Unhappy wretch that I am ! 

Simo. Ah ! Pamphilus, is it only now that 
you have discovered that? long, long ago, I 
say, when you debased your inclinations, and 
were willing to sacrifice every thing to your de- 
sires ; then it was that you might truly have 
called yourself unhappy. But what am I doing ? 
why do I torment myself? why should I suf- 
fer? why imbitter my old age with his mad 
folly? Am I to pay the penalty of his offences r 
No : let him have her : I bid him farewell : let 
her supply the place of his father. 



88 THE ANDRIAN. [ActV. 

Pam. Oh, my father ! 

Simo. What need have you of a father ? you, 
who have chosen a wife, children, and home, 
which are all of them disagreeable, and even 
obnoxious to that father ? Persons are suborned 
hither too, 19S who say, that she is a citizen of 
Athens. You have conquered. 

Pam. Dear Sir, hear me but for a moment. 
Simo. What can you say ? 
Chremes. Yet hear him, Simo, I entreat you. 
Simo. Hear him! Oh Chremes, what shall 
I hear ? 

Chremes. Nevertheless, permit him to speak. 
Simo. Well, let him speak then, I permit it. 
Pam. Oh ! my father : 1 confess that I love ; 
and, if to love be a crime, I confess that I am 
guilty. But to you I submit : your commands 
I promise implicitly to obey : if you insist on 
my marriage with Philumena ; and compel me 
to subdue my love 199 for Glycera, I will en- 
deavour to comply with your commands : I im- 
plore only, that you will cease to accuse me of 
suborning hither this old man. Suffer me to 
bring him before you ; that I may clear my. 
self from this degrading suspicion 200 . 
Simo. What! bring him here ? 



Scene V.] the andrian. 89 

Pam. Suffer it, my father. 

Cfoemes. Simo, it is a just request : allow 
this stranger to come before you. 

Pam. Dear Sir, grant me this favour ? 

Simo. Well, be it so. (Pamphilus goes in.) 
Oh ! Chremes, what would I not give, to be 
coirvinced that my son has not deceived me. 

Chremes. However great may be the faults of 
a son, a slight punishment satisfies a father. 

Scene V. 
Chremes, Simo, Crito, Pamphilus. 

Crito. Say no more, Pamphilus, I would do 
what you wish either for your sake, or for Gly- 
c era's, or even my regard for truth would be a 
sufficient inducement. 

Chremes. Do I see Crito the Andrian ? Yes, 
it is he ! 

Crito. Well met, Chremes. 

Chremes. What brought you to Athens, who 
are such a stranger here ? 

Crito. I came hither on business : but is 
this Simo ? 

Chremes. Yes. 

Simo. Does he ask for me ? Well, Sir, I am 



90 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT V. 

Simo : do you dare to say that Glycera is a 
citizen of Athens ? 

Crito. Do you deny it ? 

Simo. Are you come hither so well prepared : 

Crito . Prepared ! for what ? 

Simo. Do you ask ? Can you think that you 
shall do these things with impunity ? Can you 
think that you will be suffered to insnare inexpe- 
rienced and respectable young men ? and flatter 
them with fair words and fine promises ? 

Crito. Are you in your senses ? 

Simo. And, at last, conclude this shameful 
fraud, by marrying them to their mistresses ? 

Pam. (aside.) I am undone ? Crito, I fear, 
will not be able to maintain his ground. 

Chr ernes. 201 Simo, if you knew this stranger 
as well as I do, you would think better of him : 
he is a worthy man, 

Simo. He a worthy man ? but yes, it was 
very good of him to be sure to come here so op- 
portunely on the day of my son's marriage ! he ! 
who was never at Athens before! Chremes, 
ought such a man to be believed ? 

Pam. (aside.) I could easily explain that cir- 
cumstance ; but I fear my interference would 
offend my father. 

Simo. A sycophant 202 . 



Scene V.] the andhian. 91 

Crito. What! 

Chremes. Bear with him, Crito, 'tis his hu- 
mour. 

Crito. Then let him look to it : if he persists 
in saying all he pleases, I will make him hear 
something that will not please him. Do I inter- 
fere in this affair? what have I to do with it? 
Can you not bear your disappointment pa- 
tiently. As for what I assert, it is easy enough 
to ascertain whether it is true or false. Some 
years ago, a certain Athenian was shipwrecked, 
and cast upon the isle of Andros: he was ac- 
companied by this very Glycera, who was then 
an infant : and, in great distress, applied for as- 
sistance to the father of Chrysis. 

Simo. Now he begins a tale. 

Chremes. Suffer him to speak. 

Crito. What ! will he interrupt me ? 

Chremes. (to Crito.) Pray proceed. 

Crito. Chrysis' father, who received 203 him, 
was my relation: and, at his house, I've heard 
that shipwrecked stranger say, that he was an 
Athenian : he died in Andros. 

Chremes. (eagerly.) His name was 

Crito. His name so quickly. Phania. 

Chremes. Ah ! 

Crito. At least I think it was Phania : one 



92 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT V. 

thing I am sure of, he said he was from 204 
Rhamnus. 

Chremes* Oh Jupiter! 

Crito. Many other persons who were then in 
Andros heard of these things. 

Chremes, Heaven grant my hopes may be ful- 
filled : tell me, Crito, did he call the child his 
own ? 

Crito. No. 

Chremes. Whose then ? 

Crito. He said she was the daughter of his 
brother. 

Chremes. Then she is surely mine ! 
Crito. What say you ? 

Simo. How can she be yours ? What is it 
you say ? 

Pam. Listen, Pamphilus. 
Simo. What are your reasons for believing 
this ? 

Chremes. That Phania was my brother. 
Simo. I know it : I was well acquainted with 
him. 

Chremes. That he might avoid the war, he 
quitted Greece : and, following me, set sail 
for Asia : fearing to leave the child, he took her 
with him : and this is the first account I have 
ever received of their fate. 



Scene V.] the andrian. 93 

Pam. I am scarcely myself: my mind is so 
agitated by fear, hope, joy, and astonishment, at 
this so great and unexpected happiness. 

Simo. Believe me, Chremes, I rejoice most 
sincerely that Glycera proves to be your daugh- 
ter. 

Pam. That, I believe, my father. 

Chremes. But stay : I have yet one doubt, 
which gives me some uneasiness. 

Pam. Away with all your doubts and scru- 
ples : you seek a difficulty where none exists. 

Crito. What is it ? 

Chremes. The name does not agree. 

Crito. I know she bore some other name 
when an infant. 

Chremes. What was it ? Crito, have you for- 
gotten ? 

Crito. I am trying to remember it. 

Pam. Shall I suffer his want of memory to 
retard my happiness, when I myself can find a 
remedy r I will not. Chremes, the name you 
want is Pasibula. 

Crito. The very name 205 . 

Chremes. You are right. 

Pam. I have heard it from herself a thousand 
times. 



9i THE ANDRIAN. [ACT V. 

Simo. Chremes, I hope you are convinced 
how sincerely we all rejoice at this discovery 206 . 

Chr ernes. I have no doubt of it. 

Pam. And now, dear Sir. 

Simo. The happy turn of the affair has re- 
conciled me, my son : be all unpleasant recol- 
lections banished. 

Pam. A thousand thanks, my father. I trust 
that Chremes also consents that Glycera should 
be mine. 

Chremes. Undoubtedly : with your father's 
approbation. 

Pam. Oh ! that is certain. 

207 Simo. I consent most joyfully. 

Chremes. Pamphilus, my daughter's portion 
is ten talents 20s . 

Pam. Dear sir, 1 am quite satisfied. 

Chremes. I will hasten to my daughter : come 
with me, Crito, for I suppose that she will not 
remember me. [Chremes and Crito go in. 

Scene VI. 
Simo, Pamphilus. 

Simo. Why do you not immediately give or- 
ders for her removal to our house 209 ? 



Scene VI.] the andrian. 95 

Pam. That is well thought of, Sir, FU in- 
trust that affair to Davus. 

Si/no. He can't attend to it. 

Pam. Why not ? 

Simo. Because - 10 he is now carrying on things 
of great weight, and which touch him more 
nearly. 

Pam. What are they ? 

Simo. He is chained. 

Pam. Ah ! dear Sir, that was not well done. 

Simo. I am sure 211 1 ordered it to be well done. 

Pam. Order him to be set at liberty, my fa- 
ther, I entreat you. 

Simo. Well, well, I will. 

Pam. But, pray, let it be done directly. 

Simo. I will go in, and order him to be re- 
leased. [Exit Simo. 

Pam. Oh what a joyous happy day is this to 



Scene VII. 

Pamphilus, Charinus. 

Char, (to himself.) I came to see what Pam- 
philus is doing: and here he is. 

Pam. (to himself.) Any one would think, 
perhaps, that I do not believe this to be true, 



96 THE ANDRIAN. [Act V. 

but I know it is, because I wish it so. I am of 
opinion, that the lives of the gods are eternal, 
because their pleasures are secure, and without 
end : for I feel that I am 212 become immortal, 
if no sadness intrude on this joy : but whom do 
1 wish to see at this time ? would that I had a 
friend here whom I might make happy by re- 
lating to him my good fortune. 

Char, (to himself.) What can be the cause of 
these transports ? 

Pam. (to himself.) I see Davus, whom of 
all men I had rather meet : since I know he will 
rejoice more sincerely than any one at my happi- 
ness. 

Scene VIII. 

Pamphilus, Charinus, Davus. 

Davus. Where is Pamphilus ? 

Pam. Davus. 

Davus. Who is that ? 

Pam. "Tis I. 

Davus. Oh, Pamphilus ! 

Pam. You do not know what has happened 
to me. 

Davus. No : but I know perfectly well what 
has happened to me. 



Scene VIII.] the andrian. 

Pam. And so do I. 

Davus. This happens according to custom, 
that you should learn my evil fortune before I 
hear of your good fortune. 

Pam. My dear Glycera has discovered her 
parents. 

Davus. Oh t glorious news ! 

Char, (aside.) What says he ? 

Pam. Her father is our intimate friend ! 

Davus. His name ? 

Pam. Chremes. 

Davus. I'm transported with joy. 

Pam. There is now no impediment to our 
marriage 213 . 

Char, (aside.) This man is 214 dreaming of 
what he wishes when awake. 

Pam. Then, Davus, as for the child— 

Davus. Ah, Sir! say no more — you are one 
of the chief favourites of the gods ! 

Char, (aside.) I am restored to life if these 
things be true. I will speak to them. 

Pam. Who is that ? Ah ! Charinus, you come 
in a most auspicious hour. 

Char. I wish you joy. 

Pam. How ! have you heard then that 

Char. I have heard all : and let me conjure 
you, my friend, to think of me amidst your hap- 

F 



98 THE ANDRIAN. [Act V. 

piness. Chremes is now your own : and will, 
I am very sure, consent to any thing you re- 
quest of him. 

Pam. I will not be unmindful of your happi- 
ness, I assure you : and, as it would be tedious 
for us to wait their coming out, accompany me 
now to my Glycera. Do you, Davus, go home, 
and order some of our people hither, to 815 re- 
move her to our house. Why do you loiter ? 
Go : don't lose a moment. 

Davus. I am going. (To the spectators.) 
916 You must not expect their coming out : she 
will be betrothed within : where all will be con- 
cluded. Farewell : and clap your hands 317 . 



911 END OF THE TIFTH ACT. 



NOTES. 



F 2 



NOTES. 



NOTE 1. 

Caius Suetonius Tranquiltus. 
The history of the life of Terence is enveloped in 
more obscurity than might have been expected, con- 
sidering his many eminent qualities, and the times 
in which he lived. Suetonius's account is not very 
comprehensive; it is, however, the best which has 
reached us, and indeed the only one at all to be de- 
pended on. Caius Suetonius Tranquillus, a correct 
and impartial biographer, was secretary to the Em- 
peror Adrian : and enjoyed the friendship of Pliny 
the younger: he flourished about A.D. 115. 



NOTE 2. 

Terentius. 

This appellation was conferred on the poet by his 
psftron Terentius Lucanus: his true name is un- 
known, even conjecture is silent on this subject. 
Slaves, who received their freedom, usually bore the 
f 3 



102 XOTE9. 

name of the person who manumitted them : some- 
times also, during their slavery, they were called by 
the name of their master. Terentius Lucanus does 
not appear to have been a person of any particular 
note; as he is never mentioned but as the friend and 
patron of Terence, to whom he is indebted for res- 
cuing his name from oblivion. 



NOTE 3, 

Fene Stella. 

u Rome could never boast of a more accurate 
historian than Lucius Fenestella; he was likewise 
a very learned antiquarian. He lived at about the 
end of the reign of Augustus, or the beginning of 
that of Tiberius : and wrote many things; particu- 
larly Annals : none of his works are now extant." 
Madame Dacier. 



NOTE 4. 

Terence was born after the conclusion of the second 
Punic war, and died before the commencement of 
the third. 
The secoud Punic war ended 201 B. C. in the year 

of Rome 553: and the third commenced 150 B.C. 

in the year of Rome 604, about threp vears before 



NOTES, 



103 



the destruction of Carthage. Terence was born 189 
B.C., which was 12 years after the termination of the 
second Punic war, and he died at the age of 36, 
three years before the beginning of the third Punic 
war. If we suppose Terence to have been a free- 
born Carthaginian, it is very difficult to account for 
his being a slave at Rome; because the Romans 
could not have taken him prisoner in war, as they 
were at peace with the Carthaginians during the 
whole of his life. Neither is it probable that he was 
made a prisoner, and sold to the Romans either by 
the Numidians, or by the Gsetulians, as his perfect 
knowledge of the Latin and Greek languages, at 
twenty-five years of age, is a most forcible reason 
for believing that he was removed to Rome in ex- 
treme youth: long before he could have been able 
to undergo the fatigue attendant on a military life. 
I can solve this difficulty in no other way than by 
supposing, either that the parents of Terence were 
themselves slaves at Carthage, and consequently h6 
also was the property of their master; (as the chil- 
dren of slaves shared the fate of their parents;) or 
that he was sold to the Carthaginians by the Numi- 
dians, or by the Gsetulians. In either of these 
cases, it is by no means improbable that during the 
peace which followed the second Punic war, Terence, 
might in his infancy have been sold by his Cartha- 
ginian master to one of those Romans who visited 
Carthage during the peace. 
t 4 



104 j*OTi.s 

NOTE 5. 

The Numidians or Gcetulians. 

Numidia and Ggetulia, or Getulia, at the time of 
Terence's birth, formed a part of the dominions of 
the celebrated African prince Masinissa, who so 
eminently distinguished himself as the firm and 
faithful ally of the Roman Republic: and as the 
formidable enemy of the Carthaginians. Numidia 
was situated S.W. of the territories of Carthage ; 
and is now that part of Southern Barbary, known by 
the name of Biledulgerid. Gostulia (the boundaries 
of which were afterwards regulated by Marius) was 
a most extensive country, and lay S.W. of Numidia: 
it is now very little known, and reaches from the 
south of Barbary, or the country of Dates, across 
the Great Desert or Sahara, almost as far south as 
the river Niger. It may be conjectured that the nor- 
thern region only of this vast country was subject 
to the control of King Masinissa. 



NOTE 6. 

Scipio Africanus. 

Publius Cornelius Scipio iEmilianus Africanus 
Numantinus was the son of Paulus iEmilius, whose 
conquest of Macedonia procured him the title of 



s 



NOTES, 105 



Macedonicus, The young iEmilius was adopted 
(during the life of his father) by the son of the con- 
queror of Hannibal, Publius Cornelius Scipio Afri- 
canus, whose name he afterwards bore (in confor- 
mity with the established custom): and it is not a 
little remarkable, that the appellation of Africanus 
which the son of iEmilius then acquired by adop- 
tion, he afterwards claimed in his own right, as the 
destroyer of Carthage. The title of Numantinus 
was conferred on this hero, as a tribute to his valour 
and conduct in the war against the inhabitants of 
Numantia, who were totally destroyed with their 
city, after a long and desperate resistance. Scipio 
was born in the year of Rome 569, and died in the 
year 624. Some persons have been misled by a sin- 
gular coincidence of circumstances relative to the 
two Scipios, into a belief that it was the elder of the 
two who honoured Terence with his friendship. The 
error is evident, as the death of the first Scipio Afri- 
canus took place before Terence was ten years of 
age. The elder Scipio honoured with his particular 
regard Caius Lselius, who obtained the consulship in 
the year of Rome 563: the connexion between them 
was cemented by the strict ties of a virtuous friend- 
ship. It is a circumstance worthy of remark, that 
the chosen intimate of the younger Africanus was 
also called Caius Laelius. 



f 5 



106 ItOTSS, 

NOTE 7. 

Caius Lcelius. 






Caius Lcelius, whose virtues procured him the ap- 
pellation of Sapiens, or the Wise, is supposed to 
have been the son of the Lselius who enjoyed the 
friendship of the elder Scipio. Caius Lselius Sapiens 
was the senior Consul or Consul Prior in the year of 
Rome 613. Cicero's treatise " De Amicitia," in 
which he represents Leelius discoursing on the na- 
ture and delights of a pure and delicate friendship, 
is a monument of the attachment of Scipio and 
Lselius, worthy of them and of himself. 



NOTE 8. 

Who were about his own age. 

Those who have read Suetonius in the original, 
will perceive f at I have passed by an imputation 
recorded by that writer, against Scipio, Loelius, and 
our author : the refined delicacy by which the sen- 
timents of those eminent persons were distinguished, 
ought to protect them from so disgusting and de- 
grading a suspicion, 



KOTES* 107 

NOTE 9. 

Portius. 

Licinius Portius, a Latin poet, who flourished 
about the year of Rome 610: he excelled as an epi- 
grammatist. Fragments only of his writings now 
remain. 



NOTE 10. 

Furius. 

Publius Furius, an eminent statesman, was the 
intimate friend of Scipio and Lselius : he received 
the surname of Philus or the Lover. Furius was 
elected the Consul Prior in the year of Rome 617. 



NOTE 11. 
While he is frequently carried to the Albanian villa. 

There were in Latium two towns called Alba, each 
of which were situated on the borders of a lake. 

Alba Longa, now called Albano, was built by 
Ascanius, and distant 16 miles from Rome. Alba 
Fucentis, situated about three times that distance 
from the capital, on lake Fucinus, is now known by 
the name of Celano. The Albanian mountain, 
r 6 



108 NOTES. 

where Seipio, Lffilius, or Furius probably possessed 
a villa, was in the immediate vicinity of Alba Longa. 
Portius might have alluded to Terence accompany- 
ing his friends to the Latinae Ferise, or Latin games, 
w r hich were celebrated by the Consuls on the Alban 
mountain on the 27th of April. 



NOTE 12. 

And dies at Stymphalus, a town of Arcadia. 

Stymphalus, a town of Arcadia, was situated 
about 25 miles S.W. of Corinth, on the borders of a 
lake of the same name, which is said to have been 
infested by a species of Harpies, who were called 
Stymphalides. A festival called ITYM<Daaia was 
celebrated at Stymphalus inhonour ofDiana,whoon 
that account received the appellation of Stymphalia, 



NOTE 13. 

The Mdiles. 

All plays, previous to their appearance on the 
Roman stage, were submitted to the perusal of the 
jEdiles, who chose from the number offered them 
those which (in their judgment) were best suited for 
representation: they were bound by oath to an im- 
partial decision 



SfOTES. 109 

NOTE 14. 

CceHus. 

Many have supposed Csecilius the poet to have 
been the person meant in this passage: this is a 
manifest error; as that poet died five or six years 
before the representation of this play. Others read 
Acilius, who was one of the iEdiles for the year in 
which the Andrian was exhibited : this would be a 
plausible reading, but for one circumstance, which 
must be considered as an insurmountable objection 
to it, viz. — The Gens Acilia (of which Acilius was 
a member) was a 'plebeian family : consequently, 
Acilius must have been a plebeian iEdile, whereas 
the inspection of the Roman plays was the office of 
the Curule iEdiles : who, in the time of Terence, 
were chosen from the Patrician families. 



NOTE 15. 

The Couch of Cccrius. 

The Coena of the Romans (their principal meal) 
was usually taken at three o'clock in the afternoon : 
when they partook of it, instead of sitting in the mo- 
dern manner, they reclined on couches which were 
placed round the table in the form of the letter C ; a 
space was left unoccupied that the slaves in placing; 



no 



XOTES. 



and removing the dishes might not incommode the 
guests. The number of the couches was generally 
limited to three ; each of which was occupied some- 
times by four, but usually by only three persons. The 
body was raised, and supported by the left arm; the 
feet of him who reclined at the upper end of the 
couch lay at the back of the person next him: 
(though prevented from touching his clothes by 
cushions placed between them) and the feet of the 
second at the back of the third. To place more 
than three guests on one couch was accounted both 
mean and vulgar. Cicero notices this in his oration 
against Piso, " Grceci stipati, quini in lectulis, scepe 
plures" speaking of "Jive, and of ten a greater num- 
ber crowded together on one small couch." The Ro- 
mans indulged themselves with couches only at 
supper: no ceremony was observed at their other 
meals, which were taken sitting or standing, alone 
or in company, as inclination prompted. In the 
earlier ages both Romans and Greeks sat upright at 
their meals : Homer expressly mentions (in Odyss* 
B. \0.) " $Sfirf«, imvpunt" " we sat feasting ;" also 
Virgil. ,En. 7. v. 176. 



NOTE 16. 

Volcatius. 
Volcatius Sedigitus, a miscellaneous writer and 



KOTES. Ill 

pqet, mentioned in very high terms by the younger 
Pliny, flourished in the reign of one of the 12 Cae- 
sars : the exact time is unknown, His works are 
entirely lost, with the exception of a few verses; 
amongst them are the following, in which he classes 
ten of the most eminent Latin comic poets. 

u Multos incertos certare hanc rem vidimus, 
Palmam poetee comico cui deferant : 
Hunc meojudicio errorem dissolvam tibi ; 
Ut contra si quis sentiat, nihil sentiat. 
(Iecilio palmam Statio do comico : 
Plautus secundus facile exsuperat caeteros: 
Dein N^evius, qui servet pretium, tertius est: 
Si erit quod quarto detur, dabitur Licinio: 
Post insequi Lieinium facio Atii ium. 
In sexto consequitur loco hos Terentius : 
Turpilius septimum, Trabea octavum obtinet. 
Nono loco esse facile facio Luscium. 
Antiquitatis causa, decimum addo Ennium." 

Au: Gell: B. i5. C 24. 

" Madame Dacier very well observes, that Volca- 
tius has injured the reputation of his own judgment, 
and not the fame of Terence, by this injudicious ar- 
rangement." Terence yields to none of the above. 



NOTE 17. 

The Eunuch was acted twice in one day. 
This circumstance is so much the more extraor- 



112 NOTES, 

dinary, as a play was seldom exhibited on the Roman 
stage oftener than on four or five occasions, before it 
was laid aside; and new pieces were usually pro- 
vided for every festival : with what enthusiastic ap- 
plause then, must the Eunuch have been received, 
when the audience with the loudest acclamations, 
called for a second representation of this admirable 
comedy on the same day! It is necessary to explain 
that. the actors had sufficient time to repeat their 
performance, as dramatic entertainments were 
usually frequented by the Romans, not in the even- 
ing as among the moderns, but in the course of the 
day, and generally previous to the hour of their 
principal repast. 



NOTE 18. 

Eight thousand sesterces* 

Eight thousand sesterces were equal to 641. 1 Is. 
Sd. sterling. The Romans reckoned their money 
by sesterces: the sestertius, which was a brass coin, 
worth 1. d. 3 qrs. J, must not be confounded with 
the sestertium, which was no coin, but money of ac- 
count, and equal in value to one thousand sesterces. 



XOTES. H3 

NOTE 19. 
Varro. 

Marcus Terentius Varro was born at Rome in the 
year of the city 632; at the time of the sedition of 
Caius Gracchus. Varro was the intimate friend of 
Pompey: and obtaining the consulship in the year 
680, had the mortification to find the efforts of him- 
self and his colleague, inadequate to suppress the in- 
surrection of Spartacus, whose successes at the head 
of the rebellious gladiators, alarmed all Rome. The 
military occupations of Varro did not prevent his 
close attention to literature : his writings were very 
voluminous; and those of them which iemain are 
deservedly in high estimation. 



NOTE 20. 

And as for what those malicious railers say, who assert 
that certain noble persons assist the poet. 

The chief of those railers, and the arch-enemy of 
Terence, was the Luscius Lanuvinus to whom Vol- 
catius in his list of poets assigns the ninth place; — 
and the same person whom Donatus designates by 
the name of Lucius Lavinius. Luscius was not 
singular in this imputation against our author. 
Valgius and others seem to consider Terence but 



114 



^OTES. 



the mere nominal author of the six pieces which 
bear his name. That Scipio and Loelius assisted 
him with their advice, is highly probable, and his 
vanity might feel flattered by the insertion among 
his own writings, of short passages of their compo- 
sition ; but when we call to mind, that Africanus 
and his friend, two persons of the most refined de- 
licacy and taste, distinguished by their friendship, 
and selected as a companion in their hours of retire- 
ment and relaxation, a freedman! a man whose rank 
was infinitely inferior to their own ; we must natu- 
rally suppose that those eminent persons courted the 
society of Terence, as admirers of his extraordinary 
genius, and elevation of sentiment. As they could 
not have become thoroughly acquainted with our au- 
thor's engaging qualifications, but from his drama- 
tic compositions, it is most probable that the Ax- 
drian at least, was published, before he was ho- 
noured with the intimacy of either Scipio, Lselius, 
or Furius. Indeed there can be but little doubt 
that the success of this play, (which he wrote when 
he was too little known, perhaps, to receive assist- 
ance from anyone,) was the means of drawing him 
from the obscurity of his low rank, and of obtaining 
the notice and approbation of the great men of his 
age, and their patronage for his future produc- 
tions. 



XOTES. 115 

NOTE 21. 

Quint us Memmius. 

The oration alluded to by Suetonius was written 
by Memmius to defend himself against a charge of 
bribery. The Memmii were a plebeian family, 
though several of them attained to the highest dig- 
nities. Quintus was nearly related to the Caius 
Memmius who was assassinated by Lucius Apuleius 
Saturninus : and is supposed to have been the son 
of the Memmius to whom Lucretius dedicated his 
celebrated poem, " Be Rerum naturd." Vide 
Cicero in Catilin. and Florus, B. 3., c. 16. 



NOTE 22. 

Cornelius Nepos. 

Cornelius Nepos, a celebrated biographer of the 
Augustan age, was born on the banks of the Po, 
which he quitted in his youth ; and, attracted by 
the splendour and pleasures of a gallant and po- 
lite court, removed to Rome, where his talents and 
taste for literature procured him the friendship of 
Cicero, and many other eminent persons. Of all 
his much-admired writings nothing remains but his 
" Lives of the most illustrious Greeks and Romans. 97 



116 VOTES, 

NOTE 23. 

Puteoli. 

Puteoli, or, as it is now called, Puzzoli, was 
much frequented by the Romans for the sake of its 
hot-wells: being at a convenient distance from the 
capital, not more than a day's journey. It is now 
become comparatively inconsiderable, while Na- 
ples, in its vicinity, has grown into importance. 
Puzzoli, however, still affords some attraction to 
the curious ; as there are the ruins of a temple of 
Jupiter Apis, or Serapis, to be seen there. This 
town was originally called Dicearchea : named, 
piobably, after Bice, a daughter of Jupiter. 



NOTE 24. 

On the first of March. 

The Roman ladies were allowed to exercise ex- 
traordinary authority on this day, on which they 
celebrated the festival called Matroxalia, insti- 
tuted in gratitude to Mars, who permitted a ter- 
mination of the war between the Romans and Sa- 
bines ; in which the women were particularly con- 
cerned. The privileges allowed to ladies on the 
first of March, were, I believe, confined to the 
matrons, in commemoration of the successful inter- 



NOTES. 117 

ference of the married women, in the year 749, B, C, 
which put an end to the war between the Romans 
and the Sabines, who had taken up arms to re- 
venge the rape of their women by the Romans, at a 
festival to which Romulus had invited them. (Vide 
Note 28.; 



NOTE 25. 
Santra. 

Little is known of Santra, but that he was co- 
temporary with Cicero, and author of some biogra- 
phical Memoirs, and " A Treatise on the Antiquity 
x)f Words," which are now entirely lost. His 
family, probably, were plebeians, and of no great 
note. 



NOTE 26. 

He would not have requested it from Scipio and 
LceliuSy who were then extremely young. 

" Santra's argument is of no force : for when 
Terence published the Andrian, in the year of Rome 
587, at twenty-seven years of age, Scipio was 
eighteen, and might, at that age, have been per- 
fectly capable of assisting Terence ; for, inde- 



1 18 tfOTES. 

pendent of his excellent education, on which his 
father had bestowed infinite care and pains, he was 
possessed of a very superior genius : and nature 
had united in him all the fine qualities of his father, 
and of his grandfather by adoption, Scipio the Great. 
Velleius Paterculus wrote his eulogium as follows, 
" Publius Scipio JEmilianus inherited the virtues of 
his grandfather Publius Africanus, and of his fa- 
ther Lucius Paulus, excelled all his cotemporaries in 
wit and learning, and in all the arts of war and 
peace ; and, in the course of his whole life never did, 
said, or thought, any thing, but what was worthy of 
the highest praise." 

We have seen princes in France, who, at the age 
of eighteen, were capable of assisting a poet, as 
well with respect to the conduct and arrangement of 
his subject ; as in what related to the manners, 
the diction, and the thoughts. Menander pub- 
lished his first piece at twenty years of age. It is 
clear, then, that there have been persons of eighteen, 
capable of assisting a poet. It appears, moreover, 
that the enemies of Terence did not publish this 
imputation against him till the latter years of his 
life, for the poet complains of it only in the pro- 
logues to the Self-tormentor and the Brothers : the 
first of which was played three years, and the last 
but one year before his death. When the first ap- 
peared, he was thirty-one, and Scipio twenty-two : 
and when the last was published, he was thirty- 



NOTXS, 119 

four, and Scipio was twenty-five-." — Madams 
Dacier." 



NOTE 27. 

Cneus Sulpicius Gallus. 

Cneus Sulpicius Galba, surnamed Gallus, was 
by no means the least illustrious member of the 
noble family of the Sulpicii, and filled the office of 
Consul for the year in which the Andrian was acted. 
The first of the Sulpicii took the name of Galba, 
from his diminutive stature, that word signifying 
" a small insect;' and the name was afterwards 
assumed by several of his descendants. 



NOTE 28. 

Who procured the representation of comedies at 'the 
Consular Games. 

The Ludi Consulares and Ludi Consuales "were 
probably the same, as we have no account of the 
institution of any games particularly in honour of 
the Consuls, to be celebrated either at their enter- 
ing on, or resigning their office ; for the Latince 
Ferice, though superintended particularly by the 
Consuls, and a part of their office, were not called 
Consular Games. The Consual, or Consular 



120 KOTE9. 

Games were instituted on the following occasion. 
Romulus, the first king of Rome, had no sooner 
assumed the government of the small band of ad- 
venturers who were the ancestors of that illustrious 
race of heroes, who long held all the nations of the 
earth in subjection, than he found his kingdom in 
danger of being totally destroyed in its birth ; as 
none of the inhabitants of the neighbouring states 
were willing to form a matrimonial alliance with his 
subjects ; many of whom were refuged criminals 
and exiled foreigners. To obtain wives for his 
people, he was compelled to have recourse to a 
stratagem, which Plutarch describes as follows : 
" He (Romulus) circulated a report that he had dis- 
covered, concealed wider ground, the altar of a 
certain god, whom they called Coxsus, the God of 
counsel, whose proper appellation is Nepiunus Eques- 
tris, or Neptune, the inventor of riding ; for, ex- 
cept at horse-races, when it is exposed to sight, this 
altar is kept covered in the great circus ; and, it 
was said, that it was not improperly concealed, be- 
cause all counsels ought to be kept secret and hidden, 
Romulus, having found the altar, caused proclama- 
tion to be made, that, on an appointed day, a magni- 
ficent sacrifice would be offered; and public games 
and shows exhibited, which were to be open to all 
who should choose to attend them. Upon this, great 
numbers went there. The king, dressed in a purple 
robe, was seated on high, surrounded by the chief 



NOTES. 121 

patricians : he ivas to arise, take up his robe, and 
throw it over him, as a signal for the attack : his 
subjects, with ready weapons, kept their eyes intently 
fixed upon their sovereign ; and, when the sign was 
given, they drew their sivords with a shout, and seized, 
and carried off the daughters of the Sabines, who 
fled, without offering resistance." — Plutarch. 

The games which were instituted on this singular 
occasion were afterwards celebrated annually on 
the 12th of the calends of September, and consi- 
dered to be an imitation of the Olympian Games 
of the Greeks. The Consuales, being celebrated 
in the Circus were sometimes called Circenses, 
The conduct of the Romans in the before-mentioned 
circumstances, and that of the Benjamites in a 
like predicament is so uniformly similar, that who- 
ever attentively compares them, cannot think it 
very improbable that Romulus derived the idea of 
his stratagem from that passage of Jewish history 
Vide Judges, C. 21. 



NOTE 29. 

Quintus Fabius Labeo. 

If the accuracy of Plutarch may be depended on, 
Santra must have been mistaken in supposing 
Quintus Fabius Labeo to be still living at the time 
of the Andrian's publication, or for several year c 



122 NOTES, 

before its appearance. This conclusion is deduced 
from the following circumstances : Quintus Fabius 
Maximus, whose prudent method of delaying a 
battle, and harassing his enemy, (in his campaigns 
against Hannibal,) procured him the surname of 
Cunctator, or Delayer, enjoyed the dignity of the 
consulship Jive several times : he was first chosen 
in the year of Rome 525, and, supposing that he ob- 
tained that office in what Cicero calls suo anno, his 
awn year, that is, as soon as he had attained the 
age required by law, Fabius must then have been 
forty-three years of age, and, as he died in his 
one hundredth year, he could not have been alive 
after the year 582. Quintus Fabius Labeo, who 
was the son of this hero, died (Plutarch informs us) 
some years before his father ; and, consequently, 
could not have assisted Terence, even in his first 
play, the Andrian, which did not appear till the 
year of Rome 587. That Quintus Fabius Maximus 
Cunctator was the father of Quintus Fabius Labeo 
can admit of no doubt, though some authors who 
have mentioned them have omitted to notice their 
relationship. Plutarch expressly informs us, that 
the son of Quintus Fabius Maximus was of con- 
sular dignity, and, with the exception of the 
Cunctator, Quintus Fabius Labeo was the only 
Fabius whose name appears on record as consul, 
from the year of Rome 521 to the year 611. 



NOTES. 123 

NOTE 30. 

Marcus Popilius Lcenas. 

Madame Dacier thinks that the person here 
meant was Caius Popilius Lsenas, who shared the 
consular government with Publius iEIius Ligur in 
the year of Rome 581 ; but that learned and cele- 
brated lady assigns no reason why we should sup- 
pose either Suetonius or Santra to have been incor- 
rect in affirming Marcus the brother of Caius to 
have been the reputed assistant of Terence. Mar- 
cus was a man of high reputation, and eminent 
abilities : the following anecdote, related by Vel- 
leius Paterculus, (Book I. Chap. 10.) will afford 
some idea of the resolute decision of his character. 
" The king of Syria, Antiochus Epiphanes, (or the 
illustrious) ivas at that time besieging Ptolemy, king 
of Egypt. Marcus Popilius Lcenas was sent ambas- 
sador to Antiochus, to desire him to desist : he de- 
livered his message ; the king replied that he would 
consider of it ; upon which Popilius drew a circle 
round him in the sand on which they stood, and told 
him, that he insisted on his final answer before he 
quitted that circumscribed space. This resolute bold- 
ness prevailed, and Antiochus obeyed the Roman 
mandate" 

Marcus Popilius Lsenas was the junior Consul for 
g 2 



NOTES. 



the year of Rome 580 : the name of his colleague 
was Lucius Posthumius Albinus. 



NOTE 31. 

Persons of Consular dignity. 

Those who had filled the office of consul were 
afterwards always called consulares, of Consular dig- 
nity ; those who had been Proetors were styled Prae- 
torii of Prcetorian dignity ; in a similar manner the 
Censors took the title of Censorii, the Qusestors of 
Qugestorii, and the iEdiles of iEdilitii, though it 
does not appear that they were very strict in taking 
precedence accordingly. 



NOTE 32. 

Quintus Consentius. 

If any Latin writer called Quintus Consenting 
ever existed, all traces are lost both of his composi- 
tions and of his history ; even the name of his fa- 
mily is unknown. It is possible that instead of 
Consentius, Cn. Sentius may be the person meant 
in this passage. Several of the Sentii were authors 
of some celebritv. 



NOTES. 125 

NOTE 33. 

Menander. 

Menander was born at Athens, 345 B.C., and 
educated with great care by Theophrastus the peri- 
patetic, whose labours must have been amply repaid, 
when he witnessed the proficiency of his pupil, who 
distinguished himself by successful dramatic compo- 
sitions before he had attained his 21st year. With 
the exception of a few fragments, his works are en- 
tirely lost. Comedy was invented at Athens, and 
divided into three kinds; the old, the middle, and 
the new. The old comedy was that in which both 
the names and the circumstances were real; the 
middle, was where the circumstances were true, 
but the names disguised. To these two kinds, Me- 
nander had the glory of adding a third, which was 
called the new comedy, where both the plot and the 
characters were wholly fictitious. His style is said 
to have been elegant, and his ideas and sentiments 
refined. Dion Chrysostom considers his writings to 
be an excellent model for orators. This great poet 
wrote from 100 to 108 plays; from which Terence 
took four of his, viz., his Andrian, Eunuch, Self-tor- 
mentor, and Brothers. Menander obtained a poeti- 
cal prize, eight several times; his chief competitor 
was called Philemon. 

g 3 



126 NOTES. 

NOTE 34. 

Leucadia. 

Leucadia, or as it is now called Santa Maura, or 
Lefcathia, is an island about 50 miles in circumfer- 
ence, in that part of the Mediterranean which 
was known among the ancients by the name of the 
Ionian sea. This island was rendered famous by 
one of its promontories called Leucas, and Leucate^ 
which overhangs the sea at a very considerable per- 
pendicular height : a leap from this promontory into 
the water beneath, was reckoned among the Greeks 
as an infallible cure for unhappy lovers of either 
sex, and most of those who made the experiment, 
found their love, and all the rest of their cares effec- 
tually terminated by this wise step. The famous 
poetess Sappho perished in this leap. Vide The 
Spectator, Nos. 223, 227, 233. 



NOTE 35. 

The consulate of Cneus Cornelius Dolabella, and 
Marcus Fulvius Nobilior. 

This was in the year of Rome 594, and about 7 
years after the appearance of our author's first play. 
As his last production, The Brothers had been pub- 
lished but one year before this period ; this circum- 



NOTES. 127 



stance alone, is sufficient to decide the degree of cre- 
dit which ought to be accorded to the absurd report 
of Terence having* translated 108 plays from Me- 
nander. 



NOTE 36. 

A Roman Knight. 

The Romans were divided into three classes. 1. 
The Patricians, or nobility. 2. The Equites, or 
knights. 3. The Plebeians, or the commons: that 
is, all who were not included in the two first ranks. 
The Equites, or knights, were in fact the Roman ca- 
valry, as they usually had no other : though all of 
them were men of fortune ; it being required by law 
(at least under the Emperors, if not before) that each 
Eques at his enrolment should possess 400 ses- 
tertia : a sum equal to between 3,000Z. and 4,000£. 
sterling : a person worth double that sum might be 
chosen senator. Each knight was provided with a 
horse, and a gold ring, at the public expense ; and 
at a general review, which took place every five 
years, the Censor was empowered ignominiously to 
deprive of his horse, and degrade from his rank, 
any knight who by disgraceful conduct had proved 
himself unworthy of his dignity. 

g 4 



128 NOTES. 

NOTE 37. 
A garden of XX jug era. 

Thejugerum, or Roman acre, contained 28,800 
feet ; consequently, Terence's estate must have been 
equal to rather more than 13 English acres: and (as 
a garden) must have been of considerable value : 
land in Italy, especially in the vicinity of the capital, 
bearing a high price; though not so high as in the 
reign of Trajan, who passed a law that every candi- 
date for an office should hold a third part of his pro- 
perty in land. The Romans were particularly par- 
tial to gardens ; to improve and beautify them, they 
bestowed great care, and expended large sums of 
money; some of these gardens were of vast extent, 
and most magnificently embellished with statues, 
paintings, aqueducts, &c, as were those of Csesar 
and Sallust. 



NOTE 38. 

The Villa Martis. 

The ancient Roman villas were built with extraor- 
dinary magnificence, according to those descriptions 
of them which have reached modern times, and are 
not unworthy of attention. The great pleasure the 
Romans took in their villas, and gardens adjoining. 



NOTES. 12$ 

may be seen in the writings of many of the most emi- 
nent among them; Varro, Cicero, Pliny, Cato, and 
others, have described these delightful retirements 
in a particular manner. In the villas of the richest, 
were concentred all the attractions that art or na- 
ture could be made to yield; and magnificence was 
every where blended with convenience. For the 
site of a villa of this description they chose the cen- 
tre of a fine park, well stocked with game and fish ; 
the building was generally lofty; (nearly 100 feet 
in height) for the advantage of an extensive view ; 
as the coenatio where the family met at meals was se- 
lected in the upper story. The villa was divided 
into two parts, called urbana and rustica : the first 
contained the chambers used by the family and 
guests, together with the places of amusement and 
refreshment; as the baths, terraces, &c. The villa 
rustica was that part allotted to the slaves and do- 
mestics, who were extremely numerous. Those 
who wish for a minute description of the habits and 
manners of the Romans, in the country, may be fully 
gratified by consulting the following writers on the 
subject; Varro and Cato de re rustica; Dickson on 
Roman agriculture; and the works of Columella, 
and Dionysius Halicarnasseus. 



130 NOTES. 

NOTE 39. 

Afranius. 

Lucius Afranius, a comic writer, was contem- 
porary with Terence, and elevated himself into 
notice, by his imitations of that favourite poet, and 
of his great prototype Menander. Fragments of 
the compositions of Afranius are still extant : in his 
work quoted by Suetonius he probably gave a poet- 
ical description of the festival called Compitalia, or 
Compitalitia, and mentioned Terence as the author 
of comedies, which had been represented at that 
festival. 



NOTE 40. 

Compitalia. 

The Compitalia or Compitalitia were originaihj 
ceremonies, (for nothing could be more improperly 
denominated festivals) of a nature at once extraor- 
dinary, disgusting and barbarous. It was never pos- 
sible to ascertain where, or by whom, they were 
first instituted ; though it is generally agreed that 
they were revived by Servius Tullins, the sixth king 
of Rome, who first introduced the observance of 
them among his subjects about the year 200. They 
were celebrated in honour of the goddess Mania. 



NOTES. 131 

and of the Lares, who were supposed to be her off- 
spring. The Lares were the household gods of the 
Romans, and placed in the innermostrecesses of their 
houses. These household gods were small images 
of their ancestors, which they always kept wrapped 
in dog's skin, (which was intended for an emblem of 
watchfulness) as being for the protection of the 
house and its inhabitants. They were also called 
the Manes of their forefathers, from Mania. It was 
pretended, that on consulting an oracle respecting 
the religious means to be employed for ensuring do- 
mestic security, the oracular response commanded 
that Heads should be sacrificed for Heads, meaning, 
that as divine vengeance required the lives of the 
culprits, the people should offer the heads of others 
instead of their own, and accordingly the Compitalia 
were instituted on this occasion, and human victims 
w r ere on this preposterous pretence sacrificed with a 
sow, to ensure family safety. The Romans, how- 
ever, had too much good sense to suffer a long con- 
tinuance of this diabolical folly : and they threw off 
the yoke of the tyrannical Tarquin, and this obnoxi- 
ous custom at the same time. Lucius Junius Bru- 
tus abolished the sacrifice of human beings; and as 
the oracle required the offering of heads, he fulfilled 
its commands by substituting the heads of onions 
and poppies. They afterwards made figures of 
wool, which they suspended at their doors, imprecat- 
g 6 



132 NOTES. 

ing all misfortunes on the images, instead of them* 
selves. Slaves were allowed their liberty during the 
celebration of the Compitalia ; and with freedmen 
officiated as priests on the occasion. Being ren- 
dered harmless by Brutus' convenient interpretation 
of the oracle, the Compitalia were continued till the 
reigns of the emperors. The word Compitalia is by 
some derived from Compita, erossways, because 
during the ceremonies, the statues of the Lares were 
placed in a spot where several streets met, and 
crowned with flowers. I think it not improbable 
that the original name wag Capitalia, from capita, 
heads, because heads were the requisite offerings. 



NOTE 41. 

Ncevius. 

Cneus Naevius flourished about the year 500. 
and acquired great fame by some successful come- 
dies which are now lost : he offended Lucius Cseci- 
lius Metellus, a man of great power, and consular 
dignity, by whose influence the unfortunate poet was 
banished to Africa, where he died, Volcatius re- 
signs to Naevius the third place. 



NOTES. 133 

NOTE 42. 
Plautus. 

Marcus Accius Plautus was a native of Sarsina, 
a town of Umbria, near the Adriatic sea, and died 
at Rome, 182 B. C, at the age of forty, leaving 
behind him a literary reputation which very few, of 
any age or county, have ever been able to equal. 
Of those who refused to allow Plautus the title of 
the First comic poet of Rome, scarcely any have dis- 
puted his right to be second in the list, where Terence 
holds the first place : some critics, indeed, have 
gone so far as to prefer Plautus, even to Terence 
himself; but Volcatius Sedigitus, whose judgment 
did Terence great injustice, makes Plautus second 
only to Ceecilius. The saying of JElius Stilo is 
worthy of being recorded; " Musas Plautino ser- 
mone locuturas fuisse, si Latine loqui vellent," that 
if the Muses wished to speak in Latin, they would 
speak in the language of Plautus. This celebrated 
man wrote 27 or 28 comedies, which, notwithstand- 
ing the change of manners, kept possession of the 
stage for nearly 500 years; and were performed 
with applause as late as the reigns of Cams and 
Numerian. Only 20 of them are now extant. The 
following is the poet's epitaph, written (as is sup- 
posed) by Varro, though Pietro Crinito affirms it to 



134 NOTES, 

be the production of Plautus himself, of whom 
Crinito has written a biographical account. 

" Postquam est morte captus Plautus, 
Comcedia luget, scena est deserta, 
Deinde risus, Indus jocusque et Humeri 
Innumeri simul wanes cotlacrymarunt," 
The comic muse bewails her Plautus dead, 
And silence reigns o'er the deserted stage ; 
The joyous train that graced the scene are tied, 
And weep to lose, the wittiest of his age. 
While jests and sports their patron's death deplore, 
And even laughter, now can smile no more. 



NOTE 43. 

Cceciiius. 

Csecilius Statius was born in Gaul, and raised 
himself into eminence, from the condition of a slave, 
by his poetical talents : he died at Rome five or six 
years before the Andrian was first published. Vol- 
catius gives Csecilius the first place : Horace draws 
a sort of comparison between him and Terence in 
the following line, 

" Vincere Ca?cilius gravitate, Terentius arte." 
Cacilius 



Excelled inforce, and grandeur qf expression 
Terence in art. 

Quintilian tells us, " Csecilium veteres laudibu? 



NOTES. 135 

serunt." The ancients resounded the praises of 
Ccecilius. — Also Varro, " Pathe vero, Csecilius facile 
moverat." That Ccecilius knew how to interest the 
passions, 

Caecilius wrote more than 30 comedies, now lost. 



NOTE 44. 

Licinius. 

Publius Licinius Tegula, a comic poet, flourished 
during the second Punic war. Aulus Gellius men- 
tions him by the name of Caius Licinius Imbrex, 
author of a comedy called Nesera, but there can be 
little doubt but that Imbrex, and the Tegula above- 
mentioned were the same person. 



NOTE 45. 

Cicero in his AEIMftN. 

" Cicero wrote a poem, to which he affixed the 
title of Xupuv, a Greek word signifying a meadow; 
he gave it this name, probably, because, as meadows 
are filled with various kinds of flowers, his work was 
a numerous collection of flowers (of literature) 
affording an agreeable variety. This poem, it 
seems, consisted entirely of panegyrics on illustri- 
ous persons. Nothing can be more erroneous than 



136 . NOTES. 

a supposition that these verses were the forgery of 
some grammarian: the Latin is too elegant, and 
they are too finely written, to allow us to suppose 
them a spurious production; and if Cicero had 
never written any lines inferior to these; his fame 
as a poet, might have equalled his fame as an 
orator. Ausonius had these verses in his mind, 
when he wrote 

Tu quoque qui Latium lecto sermoire Terenti, 
Comis, et astricto percurris pulpita socco. 

What is still more remarkable, Caesar com- 
mences his lines on Terence, in Cicero's words, 
Tu quoque, &c, for there is not the least doubt but 
that Caesar undertook this work, merely with a view 
to irritate, and to contradict Cicero." 

Madame Dagier*. 

The name of Cicero is too well known, to need 
any further mention here; suffice it to say, that this 
oreat orator was totally unsuccessful in his po- 
etical attempts, the chief fault of which was want of 
harmony in the measure : it may be remarked of 
Cicero, that very frequently his prose was written 
with the music of verse, and his verse with the 
.roughness of prose. 



NOTES. 137 

NOTE 46. 

Caius Julius Ccesar. 

The poem, of which these lines formed a part, 
is entirely lost; what remains of it, however, proves 
Julius Csesar to have been no mean poet, but he 
seems to have excelled in every art of war and 

peace; — 



-quern Marte, togaque 



Praecipium. 

The first alike in war, and peace. 

Ovid. 

If the lines quoted by Suetonius were written in 
ridicule of Cicero, they are another proof in support 
of an opinion that has been very prevalent, that the 
orator was not very high in the good graces of 
Ceesar, whose dislike of him may be easily traced to 
Marc Antony, Coesar's intimate and favourite com- 
panion, and the most inveterate enemy of Cicero. 



NOTE 47. 

The Megalesian Games, 

The Megalesian games were celebrated annually 
at Rome, in the beginning of April, with solemn 
feists, in honour of Cybele, otherwise called Rhea, 



138 NOTES, 

the mother of the gods. Opinions vary as to their 
duration, some fixing it at six days, and others at 
not more than one. Originally instituted in Phry- 
gia, these ceremonies were introduced at Rome, 
during the second Punic war, when the statue of the 
goddess was carried thither from Pessinus. They 
consisted chiefly of scenic sports; and women 
danced before this statue, which was held so sa- 
cred, that no servant was allowed to approach it. 
or to take any part in the games. They were called 
rvlegalesian, from the Greek words, /xeyaA>?, great, 
Cybele being known by the name of the Great God- 
dess, and EvuXvo-ia, another name of Cybele, as pre- 
siding over husbandry. The festival 0E2Mo<I>OPIA, 
celebrated in Athens, Sparta, and Thebes, in honour 
of the same goddess resembled in many circum- 
stances the Roman Megalesia ; the Latins appear 
to have adopted partially, on various occasions, the 
religious ceremonies of the Greeks, particularly in 
their imitation of certain of the solemnities which 
were observed at the Eleusinian mysteries. 



NOTE 48. 

Curule jE dilate. 

The Curule jEdiles, created in the year of Rome 

388, were at first elected from among the patricians. 

r Ihese magistrates were appointed to inspect all 



NOTES. 139 

public edifices, (whence their name) to fix the rate 
of provisions, to take cognizance of disorders com- 
mitted within the city, and to examine weights and 
measures : but their chief employment was to pro- 
cure the celebration of the various Roman games, 
and to exhibit comedies and shews of gladiators ; 
on which account, though inferior in rank to the 
Consuls, they precede them in the title of this play. 
The JEdilate was an honourable office, and a primary 
step to higher dignities in the republic. Curule 
magistrates were those who were entitled to use the 
sella curulis, viz., the consuls, praetors, curule aediles, 
and censors : this chair was called curulis, because 
those privileged to use it, always carried it in their 
chariots, to and from the tribunals at which they 
presided. Tacitus informs us in his annals (Book 
XIII. Chap. XXX.) that in the year 809, the power 
of the iEdiles, both curule, and plebeian, was very 
much circumscribed; that their salary was regu- 
lated anew ; and limits fixed, as to the sum they 
were allowed to impose as a fine. 



NOTE 49. 

Marcus Fulvius, 

Son of the Consul for the year 564, and great 
grandson of the illustrious Servius Fulvius Paetinus 
Nobilior, the companion of Regulus; Paetinus was 



140 NOTES. 

consul in the year 498. Marcus Fulvius obtained 
the consulate eight years after his /Edilate : the 
name of his colleague was Cneus Cornelius Dola- 
bella. It is probable that this branch of the Fulvian 
family assumed the agnomen of Nobilior, to distin- 
guish themselves as nobiles from the rest of the 
Fulvii, who might not have had any claim to that 
title. None but those, and the posterity of those, 
who had borne some curule office, (vide note 48) 
were nobiles, or nobles. The nobiles possessed the 
exclusive right of making statues of themselves; 
which were carefully preserved by their posterity, 
and usually carried in procession on solemn occa- 
sions : they painted the faces of these images 



■" Quid prodest, Pontice, longo 



Sanguine censeri, pictosque ostendere vultus 
Majorum." 

What avails it to be thought, 
Of ancient blood? and to expose to view. 
The painted features of dead ancestors ? 

Juvenal. 



NOTE 50. 
Marcus Glabrio. 

This person was doubtless distinguished by ano- 
ther appellation which is not set down in the title 
to this play: under the name of Glabrio, there is 



XOTES. 141 

no account of him extant. As Glabrio does not 
appear to have been the name of any Gens, or fa- 
mily in Rome, it was probably the Agnomen of Mar- 
cus only, and not common to his kindred. 



NOTE 51. 

By the company of Lucius Ambivius Turpio, and 
Lucius Attilius. 

These were the principal actors of their company, 
but otherwise persons of little note; for contrary to 
the customs of Greece, where men of the highest 
rank thought it no degradation to appear on the 
stage; the actors at the Roman theatres were not 
treated with that consideration to which persons of 
talent, who furnish the public with a polite and ra- 
tional amusement, united with instruction, have a 
just and undeniable claim. However unjust the 
Romans might have been in this particular, they 
made an exception in favour of transcendent merit ; 
as in the case of the admirable Roscius, though the 
mention made of this favourite performer by his 
friend Cicero, shews the truth of the foregoing re- 
mark. " Cum artifex ejusmodi sit, ut solus dignu's 
videatur esse qui in scena spectetur ; turn vir ejus- 
modi fuit, ut solus dig nus videatur qui non accedat" 
so excellent an actor, that he only seemed worthy to 
tread the stage, andyet so noble a man, that he seemed 



14*2 NOTES. 

to be the very last person that ought to appear there. 
Though the Roman actors were not allowed their 
due privileges as citizens, yet some of the most emi- 
nent were often very great favourites with the people, 
and created so much interest among them, that (as 
Suetonius tells us) the parties of rival performers 
disputing for precedence, have proceeded so far as 
to terminate the quarrel in bloodshed. Turpio and 
Attilius were actors of the first class, and were said 
(via 1 . Terence Phorm :) agere primas partes, because 
thev always personated the principal characters in 
the piece. 



NOTE 52. 

Prceneste. 

Prseneste was a town of Latium, about twenty- 
four miles from Rome, and founded by Cseculus, 
as we are told by Virgil, B. 7. 

u Nee Prcsnesi ince fundator defuit urbis, 

Vulcano ge?iitum(\ue ornnis quern credidit aetas 

Cceeuhis" 

Nor was the. founder of Pra?neste absent, 
Casculus, the reputed son of Vulcan. 

Prseneste was deemed a place of military im- 
portance, from its situation, and Cicero (in Catal.j 
tells us that Catiline, when foiled in his attempt to 



NOTES. 143 

seize the capital, endeavoured to make himself 
master of Prseneste. This town was particularly 
celebrated for very cold springs, which were held 
in high esteem, as Strabo assures us, and Horace 
mentions the circumstance in one of his odes. 

" seu mihi frigidum 
Prceneste, seu Tibur supinum, 
Seu liquidae placuere Baiae." 



NOTE 53. 

Equal flutes right and left handed. 

Flutes were called in Latin tibice, because they 
were made of the shank or shin-bone of some ani- 
mal, until the discovery of the art of boring flutes, 
when they began to use wood, 

" Longave multifori delectat tibia buxi." — Ovid. 

The manner in which these instruments were 
played on the stage, and the distinction of right 
and left-handed flutes, has never been ascertained 
with any degree of certainty : few subjects have 
more obstinately baffled the researches of the 
learned. The most perspicuous detail of all that 
the moderns are acquainted with respecting the 
ancient flutes, is written by the learned Madame 
Dacier, part of which is quoted in the Preface to 
this Translation. 



144 NOTES. 



NOTE 54. 

It is taken from the Greek. 

All Terence's comedies were of this class, which 
was called Palliatce, viz., plays in which the scene 
was laid in Greece. The class, called Togatce, 
were pieces entirely Roman. The palliatse were 
generally new comedies, of which Menander was 
the inventor ; but Pacuvius wrote the middle, and 
Livius Andronicus the old comedy. ( Vide Note 33. ) 
In the age in which Terence wrote his comedies, 
the Romans were some degrees less advanced in 
the refinements of civilization, than the Greeks. 
But little more than a century before, Pyrrhus, king 
of Epirus, thought them worthy of no better epithet 
than that of " barbarians' in comparison with his 
own subjects, who were not themselves the most 
polished nation in the world. The Romans, there- 
fore, omitted no opportunity of improving the 
manners and perfecting the education of their youth, 
by sending them to mix with the Greeks, and to 
unite themselves to the disciples of those Grecian 
sages, who, as far as the light of reason, unas- 
sisted by divine revelation, could penetrate, dis- 
pelled the clouds of ignorance, and taught their 
followers that happiness and wisdom can be at- 
tained only by the virtuous. It was, doubtless, on 
this account, that Terence chose Greece as the 



NOTES. 145 

scene of his comedies, which he intended should 
portray to the Romans the manners, customs, and 
characters of those whom they often held up as a 
pattern of polished refinement, worthy the imitation 
of the rising generation. 

It is to this, doubtless, that we must attribute 
Terence's choice of Athens in preference to Rome 
as the scene of his plays ; as, particularly, in the 
comedy which the critics call the comedy of intrigue, 
the best judges agree that the scene is preferably 
laid in that country in which it is meant to be per- 
formed. But the comedies of Terence were more 
of that description which Dr. Blair denominates 
the comedy of character, and preferable to what he 
calls the comedy of intrigue, because " it exhibits 
the prevailing manners which mark the character of 
the age in which the scene is laid. Incidents should 
afford a proper field for the exhibition of character : 
the action in comedy, though it demands the poet's 
care in order to render it animated and natural, is a 
less significant and important part of the perform- 
ance than the action in tragedy ; as, in comedy, it 
is what men say, and how they behave, that draws 
our attention, rather than what they perform or 
what they suffer." 



H 



146 NOTES. 

NOTE 55, 

The consulate of Marcus Claudius Marcellus, and 
Cneus Sulpicius Galba. 

The consuls, the chief magistrates of the Ro- 
man republic were first created at the expulsion 
of the kings in the year 244 : they were two 
in number, and chosen annually. The consuls 
were the head of the Senate, which they assembled 
and dismissed at pleasure, though it was not their 
exclusive privilege, as a dictator, his master of the 
horse, the prsetors, military tribunes, and even the 
tribunes of the people, might also, on certain occa- 
sions, assemble the Senate. The consuls, how- 
ever, were the supreme judges of all differences ', 
they commanded the armies of the republic, and, 
during their consulate, enjoyed almost unbounded 
power, which could only be checked by the creation 
of a dictator, to whom the consuls were subordinate. 
It was requisite that every candidate for the consul- 
ship should be forty-three years of age, and that he 
should previously have discharged the functions of 
Preetor, iEdile, and Qusestor. The consuls were 
always patricians till the year 388, when, by the 
influence of their tribunes, the people obtained a 
law, that henceforth one of them should be a 
plebeian. The ensigns of consular dignity were 
twelve guards, called lictors f (who bore the fasces,) 



NOTES. 147 

and a robe, fringed with purple, worn by these ma- 
gistrates, during their consulate. The names of 
the consuls are mentioned in the title of this play, 
merely to fix its date, as the Roman method of rec- 
koning their years was by the names of the consuls. 
This custom continued for 1,300 years. Marcus 
Claudius Marcellus was the grandson of the great 
Marcellus, slain in the year 545 ; for Caius Sul- 
picius Galba, vide Note 27. 



NOTE 56. 

Prologue. 

Madame Dacier grounds on the first line of this 
Prologue an opinion, that the Andrian was not 
Terence's first play: but, if that learned and 
justly-celebrated lady had attentively considered the 
relation the sixteen following lines of the Prologue 
bear to the first, she could not have made this de- 
viation from her usual extreme accuracy. Whether 
the Andrian was, or was not, our Author's first pro- 
duction, is a question of more curiosity than real 
importance : it has, however, undergone some dis- 
cussion among the learned ; and, in my opinion, it 
may be clearly ascertained by an attentive perusal 
of the Prologue to the Andrian, and learned and 
unlearned are equally competent to decide upon it 
Let us now examine the proof. The first seven 
h 2 



148 NOTES. 

lines inform us, that " when the poet began to 
write, he thought he had only to please the people, 
hut that he finds it far otherwise ; as he is obliged 
to write a Prologue to answer the objections of an 
older bard." 

If we stop here, it is natural enough to conclude, 
that in the Prologue to the Andrian, he is alluding 
to censures passed on some former play. But, if 
we look at the next nine lines we see that in the 
prologue to the Andrian, he repels a censure not 
passed on any former production, but on the An- 
drian itself. Listen, says he, to their objections,, 
which are, in short, that in the composition of this 
very Andrian, he has made a confused mixture of 
two of Menander's plays. What allusion is made 
to any former writings ? None : the snarling criti- 
cisms of the older bard were directed only against 
the Andrian. I imagine that the case was thus : 
Terence wrote the Andrian, and procured its re- 
presentation, probably without any Prologue, (which 
was sometimes dispensed with, as we see in Plau- 
tus,), the play, and its author, were, probably, 
cried down and abused by this older bard and his 
admirers, who might envy the visible superiority of 
Terence, who afterwards composed the Prologue in 
question, to answer their objections. The reader 
is referred for further proof, to Suetonius's Life of 
Terence, a translation of which is prefixed to this 
play. 



NOTES. 149 

NOTE 57. 

To answer the snarling malice of an older poet. 

According to Donatus, the name of this older 
bard was Lucius Lavinius : but there can be little 
doubt but that name is a corruption of Luscius 
Lanuvinus, the arch-enemy of Terence, whom he 
handles so roughly in his Prologue to the Eunuch. 
Luscius was a poet of considerable talent. Vol- 
catius gives him the ninth place, 

" Nono loco esse facile facio Luscium." 
Luscius undoubtedly I make the ninth. 



NOTE 58. 

Menander wrote the Andrian and Perinthian. 

The Perinthian (a fine comedy now lost) was so 
called from Perinthus, a town of Thrace, the name 
of which was afterwards changed to Heraclea, and 
that name is now corrupted to Herecli, or Erekli, 
its present appellation. Erekli is a town in the 
Turkish province of Romania, on the north of the 
sea of Marmora, and about sixty miles from Con- 
stantinople. It is a place of some consequence 
from its vicinity to the Turkish capital. For the 
Andrian, vide Note 69. 

H 3 



150 NOTES. 

NOTE 59. 

They censure Ncevius, Plautus, Ennius. 

An account of Noevius has been given in Note 41 , 
and of Plautus in Note 42. Ennius was the tenth 
comic poet of Rome, according to Volcatius, who 
says, " Antiquitatis causa decimum addo Ennium." 
If it be true that Ennius was but the tenth in po- 
etical merit, the greatest glory of the nine who 
were above him, must have been the distinguished 
honour of excelling this highly extolled poet. 
Ennius was born in the year of Rome 515, and 
died in 585 ; though he obtained the privileges of 
a Roman citizen, he was, by birth, a Calabrian, as 
Ovid expressly tells us, and informs us, that his 
statue was placed on the tomb of the Scipios, be- 
cause he had so nobly celebrated their renowned 
actions : 

" Ennius emeruit, Calabris in montibus ortus, 
Contiguus poni, Scipio, magne tibi." 

Ennius, among Calabrian mountains born. 
Deserves, O Scijno, to be placed by thee. 

The reader cannot become acquainted with the 
enthusiastic admiration of the Romans for the bril- 
liant performances of Ennius, better than by a peru- 
sal of some of the many and great encomiums 
passed on him by those who, though they lived 



STOTES. 151 

after him, may be called his competitors for lite- 
rary fame. Cicero calls him, 

" Ingeniosus, poeta et auctor valde bonus." — 
A man of great abilities and wit, and an admirable 
writer both of poetry and of prose, Horace also 

" Ennius et sapiens, et fortis, et alter Horaerus." 
Ennius the wise, and strong, another Homer, 

Quintilian speaks of him thus, " Ennium sicut 
sacros vetustate lucos adoremus, in quibus grandia 
et antiqua robora jam non tantam speciem habent 
quam religionem." — We revere Ennius, as ice revere 
the groves, sacred for their antiquity, in ivhich the 
great and ancient oaks are not reckoned precious 
for their beauty, but because tkey are consecrated 
to religious purposes* 

Lucretius thus, 
u Ennius primus amoeno 

Detulit ex Helicone perenni fronde coronam." 
Ennius first wore the never-fading crown, 
Gain'd at the Muses' seat, the pleasant Helicon. 

And, lastly, Ovid, 
" Ennius ingenio maximus, arte rudis." 
Ennius, the first in wit, though wanting art, 

Ennius wrote tragedies, comedies, annals, $c, 

of which some fragments remain : he died of the 

gout, brought on by drinking. Horace tells us, 

that Ennius was in the habit of raising his ima- 

h 4 



152 NOTES. 



gination by large draughts of wine, when he 
intended to write a description of any warlike 



action. 



NOTE 60. 

Simo. Carry in these things directly. 

What " those things' 1 were, though a subject of no 
great importance, has been discussed with extreme 
diligence by various learned commentators, who 
have not a little differed in opinion. The idea of a 
French commentator, who supposed Simo to allude 
to furniture bought by him for his son's wedding, is 
ridiculed by the learned Madame Dacier, who has 
herself suffered the same treatment under the hands 
of some of our English critics, for interpreting them 
in the sense I have adopted. That Simo should 
provide furniture for a marriage which he had but 
slight hopes of negotiating at that time, is not 
very probable. But Athenian slaves performed all 
domestic offices in their masters' houses : and 
Sosia, even after he became a freedman might 
have practised cookery, in which, perhaps, he ex- 
celled. He uses the words " mea ars" my art, 
and Simo answers him with " isthac arte" that art, 
by which it is clear that he means some particular 
art. The word art has in English both a general 



NOTES. 153 

and particular sense; but, in Latin, " ars" is gene- 
rally used only in the latter. 

st Rara tjuidem facie, sed rarior arte canendi." — Ovid. 

Her beauty charms us ; and oh ! how much more 
Her matchless skill in arts of melody. 

Again, 

rt Hac arte Pollux, et vagus Hercules 
Innixus, arces attigit igneas." — Horace. 

Supported by this art, 
Pollux and Hercules were raised to heaven. 

Sosia speaks in this character also at the end of 
the scene, " Sat est curabo" euro, meaning to 
cook ; he uses also more than once the word recte. 
which is peculiarly a term of cookery, thus " rectius 
cce?iare" Plautus; and, at Rome, when patrons 
invited their clients or followers to supper, where a 
very plentiful banquet was always served up : the 
supper was particularly designated Ccena recta. 
The art of cookery, in Greece, was, in the earlier 
ages, far from being accounted degrading, and was, 
indeed, frequently practised by men very far above 
a servile station. 

I mention this, lest those who are unacquainted 
with these customs, might object against our 
author, that Si?no was guilty of an inconsistent 
condescension, in making a confidant of one who 
held an office of this nature. 
h 5 



154 NOTES. 

NOTE 61. 

When I first bought you as my slave. 

Slaves, among the Greeks, formed a very con- 
siderable portion of the population of a city, and, 
in some places, were more numerous than the citi- 
zens themselves. In Athens, all domestic offices 
were performed by slaves, who were employed also 
in the capacities of tutors, scribes, stewards, over- 
seers, and husbandmen, according to their respec- 
tive talents : when a slave manifested great abilities, 
he was taught the art or science for which he 
seemed most fitted. Some were instructed in 
literature, and often so distinguished themselves 
by their writings, that they obtained their freedom. 
The slaves of the Athenians were either taken in 
war, or purchased, or reduced to slavery for some 
crime : they were divided into two classes : 1. those 
who were natives of some part of Greece, who had 
the privilege of redeeming themselves ; who, if 
cruelly treated, might appeal to the archons, and 
change their master ; and whose lives were not in 
their master's power : 2. those slaves who were 
transported from barbarous nations, who were 
wholly at the disposal of their owners in every 
respect. The price of a slave varied according to 
his qualifications; some were worth about 10/. 
sterling, some were valued at 201., and others much 



NOTES. 155 

higher. The Athenians were celebrated for the 
gentleness with which they treated their slaves. 
Xenophon informs us, that they frequently spoiled 
them by excessive indulgence. Slaves were made 
free, if they rendered any essential service to the 
government ; and frequently received their liberty 
as a reward for their fidelity and attachment to their 
master, and his family. For further information 
respecting the Athenian slaves, and remarks on 
their habits and manners, Vide Notes 62, 63, 64, 
68, 86, 88, 110, 131, 154b, 195, 196. 



NOTE 62. 
/ gave you freedom. 

The ceremony of Amtefthp*, or giving a slave 
his liberty, was performed in Athens as follows, the 
slave kneeled down at the feet of his master, who 
struck him a slight blow, saying, " Be free ;" or 
he took the slave before a magistrate, and there 
formally declared him at liberty. These cere- 
monies were extremely similar to those used by 
the Romans on the same occasion. The Greeks 
sometimes set their slaves at liberty in a public 
assembly, which iEschines describes as follows, 

' AhXoi al rivt$ v7TOKVifv^os,^ivoi 9 rovq avrav <*Ik£tcc$ 

"EM^va? wQiovpsvoi." — Others, when they had o&- 
h 6 



156 NOTES. 

tained silence by yneans of the heralds, gave their 
household slaves their liberty ; and made the assem- 
bled Greeks witnesses of their manumission. 

The same author mentions a very singular law, 
which stigmatized with infamy any person who 
should proclaim the freedom of a slave in the the- 
atre. " Kal hxppyiw dtrocyofivzi /xjjte oWir^v dnsXevQs- 

povv Iv ru OeaTpw h cct^ov bivou rov Kqpt/xa. — 

And this law clearly forbids that any 'person shall 
manumit a slave in the theatre and de- 
crees infamy to the herald ivho shall proclaim his 
freedom there. 

Slaves were called imw, and vreXccTca, but, 
after they became free, received the appellation of 
aVe^Osfo*, and enjoyed all the privileges granted to 
the roOot, or illegitimate citizens, who were not ad- 
mitted to all the rights of those whose parents were 
both freeborn Athenian citizens. It was usual for 
a freedman to continue with his master, who was 
called his tt^oc-tccty};, or patron ; he was also allowed 
to choose a sort of guardian, who was called 

ETZVrpOTTOr. 



NOTE 63. 

Nor have you given me any cause to repent that I 
did so. 

An emancipated slave was bound to perform 



NOTES. 157 

certain services for his former master : he was to 
assist him in any emergency to the utmost of his 
power : and, if he proved remiss in these duties, 
was liable to a severe punishment. No freedman 
could appear in a court of justice against his patron, 
either to give evidence in his own suit, or in that of 
another. 



NOTE 64. 

It pains me to be thus reminded of the benefits you 
have conferred upon me, as it seems to upbraid me 
with having forgotten them. 

By the Athenian laws, any freedman convicted of 
ingratitude to his former master, was reduced a 
second time to a state of slavery : but, if a freedman 
was brought to a trial on a charge of this nature, 
and acquitted of it, he was declared rsxiaq lAEt/flspo*, 
perfectly free, and was then wholly released from 
all obligations of service to his former patron. 



NOTE 65. 

You shall hear every thing from the beginning. 

This is the initium narrationis, the first part of 
the narration, and, by far the longest : it is, in the 
original, inimitably beautiful. Scarcely any branch 



158 NOTES. 

of dramatic writing is more difficult than narration, 
which, unless composed in that happy vein, attain- 
able by so few, generally proves embarrassing to 
the actor, and tiresome to the auditors. The 
writings of Terence abound with narrations, a ne- 
cessary consequence of his strict adherence to the 
unities. A judicious French writer, whose opinions 
(as a critic,) have ever been treated with deference, 
speaking of our author's excellence in this branch of 
the drama, makes his eulogium in just and forcible 
terms. 

" Terence is without a rival, especially in his 
narrations, which flow along with a smooth and 
even course, like a clear and transparent river. We 
see no parade of sentiment, no glare of obtrusive 
wit: no smart epigrammatical sentences, which Ni- 
cole and Rochefoucault only can make acceptable. 
When he applies a maxim, it is in so plain and fa- 
miliar a manner, that it has all the simplicity of a 
proverb. He introduces nothing but what apper- 
tains to the subject. I have perused, and re-perused 
the writings of this poet with the greatest attention, 
and have laid them aside with the impression that 
there is not a scene too much in any play, nor a 
line too much in any scene." 

Diderot on dramatic poetry. 

For further remarks on the narrations of the An- 
drian, vide Notes. Nos. 89. 95. 101. I shall 
postpone a continuance of observations on the very 



NOTES. 



159 



obvious inconvenience attendant on narrations ; and 
pursue a remark made in the commencement of this 
note, respecting the source from which has flowed 
so many of these narrations, which require all the 
art and wit of a Terence to prevent them from seem- 
ing too prolix. 

This source may be found in those irksome uni- 
ties of time and 'place, those leaden fetters of dra~- 
matic genius, which, by chaining down the imagin- 
ation and talents of many of the ancient, and even 
some of the modern, dramatic writers, have deprived 
the world of more, than the embellishments they may 
have given to composition can ever repay. 

Terence, in all his works, in compliance with the 
reigning taste of his age, observed the unities of 
action, time, and place, with the most scrupulous ex- 
actness : and this observance is the chief reason that 
his comedies can never succeed on any modern 
stage. His plays are crowded with narratives, 
which, however beautifully written, will never yield 
that attraction to an audience, which they find in 
busy and lively action. He cannot bring on the stage 
what is supposed to happen in the next street, or ad- 
joining house, it must therefore be related. All the 
story of the piece must be supposed to pass in a very 
few hours : all those events which cannot be ima- 
gined to take place in one day, and which, when re- 
presented to the spectators in the modern drama, 
are often of the greatest interest, must, by the law 



160 NOTES. 

of the unity of time be related. Of what a scene ; to 
instance one of?nany, has the unity of place robbed 
us in Terence's Eunuch! where Laches (Act 5) 
rushes into the house of Thais. How many modern 
plays, in which the unities were preserved, ever kept 
the stage a month? None: if we except Ben Jon- 
son's " Silent Woman" " The Adventures of Five 
Hours" and a very few others ; and it may well be 
doubted whether even our immortal Shakspeare 
himself, if he had shackled his genius with these 
rules, would not have been generally confined to the 
closet. The practice of that great poet, and of most 
of the modern dramatists of all countries; who have 
observed only (the rule of all stages, ancient and 
modern,) unity of action, is a tacit condemnation of 
the other two: and the fiat of Dr. Johnson speaks a 
yet plainer language. He has decided on the value 
of the unities in his preface to Shakspeare: and 
though what he has written respecting them is too 
long to be inserted here, the following extracts will 
not be unacceptable, as they shew the grounds on 
which it is assumed that dramatic writers ought, in 
general, to dispense with the unities of time and 
'place. 

" The critics hold it impossible, that an action ot 
months or years can be possibly believed to pass in 
three hours. The spectator, who knows that he 
saw the first act at Alexandria, cannot suppose that 
he sees the next at Rome; he knows that he has not 



NOTES, 161 

changed his place, and that the place cannot change 
itself; that what was a house can never become a 
plain; that what was Thebes, can never be Persepo- 
lis. Such is the triumphant language with which a 
critic exults over the miseries of an irregular poet; 
it is time, therefore, to tell him, that he assumes as 
an unquestionable principle, a position, which, 
while his breath is forming it into words, his under- 
standing pronounces to be false. It is false, that 
any representation is mistaken for reality; that any 
dramatic fable, in its materiality was ever credible, 
or, for a single moment, was ever credited. The 
objection arising from the impossibility of passing 
the first hour at Alexandria, and the next at Rome, 
supposes that when the play opens, the spectator 
really imagines himself at Alexandria; and believes 
that his walk to the theatre has been a voyage to 
Egypt, and that he lives in the days of Antony and 
Cleopatra. Surely he that can imagine this may 
imagine more. He that can take the stage at one 
time for the Palace of the Ptolemies, may take it in 
half an hour for the promontory of Actium : delu- 
sion, if delusion be admitted, has no certain limita- 
tion. The truth is, that (judicious) spectators are 
always in their senses, and know from the first act 
to the last, that the stage is only a stagehand that 
the players are only players : and by supposition as 
place is introduced, time may be extended." Dr. 
Johnson concludes this subject as follows; " He 



162 



KOTES. 



that, without diminution of any other excellence, shall 
preserve all the unities unbroken, deserves the like 
applause with the architect, who shall display all 
the orders of architecture in a citadel, without any 
deduction from its strength; but the principal beauty 
of a citadel is to exclude the enemy; and the great- 
est graces of a play are to copy nature, and instruct 
life." 

It is needless to add any thing to these argu- 
ments, as they must be deemed conclusive. The 
plays of our author are better calculated, perhaps, to 
please in the closet by his mode of writing, as it 
adds to perspicuity : Terence is, probably, the great- 
est practical champion for the three unities tha t 
ever did, or ever will, exist. His easy flowing 
narratives, judiciously divided, and introduced with 
so much art, as in some places to seem no narra- 
tives until they are concluded, remedy as much as 
possible the inconveniences attendant on this mode 
of writing:. 



NOTE 66. 
When my son Pamphilus arrived at man's estate. 

In the Latin, postquam excessit ex Ephebis, after 
he was removed from the class of young men called 

All the Athenian citizens were publicly registered 
three several times. 1 . In their infancy, on the se- 



NOTES. 163 

cond day of the festival aTrecrov^ot, called dvo^pva"^. 

2. When they were 18 years of age, they were regis- 
tered on the third day of the d.Tra.Tov^a., called 
xovpeuTig, when they received the title of ilpi&ot. 

3. At 20 years of age, they were registered for the 
last time at the feast called QtMna, on the 19th 
of the month, Thargelion, when they were said to be 
admitted " among the men" These ceremonies 
were used to prevent the intrusion of persons, who 
had no claim to the title of Athenian citizen, which 
was an honour, that even foreign kings thought wor- 
thy of their pursuit. Having quitted the class of 
the «!pn£o», Pamphilus, at the time mentioned by 
Simo, must have been 20 years of age. 



NOTE 67. 

The schools of the Philosophers. 

Several schools of Philosophy were established at 
Athens, in which philosophers of different sects pre- 
sided, and gave instructions to those of Athens, and 
of other countries, whose fortunes allowed them lei- 
sure to pursue studies of this nature. The build- 
ings in which the philosophers delivered their lec- 
tures were provided at the public expense : they 
were called Gymnasia, and built in divisions, some 
for study called crroa,), and others for various exer- 
cises, as wrestling, pugilism, dancing, &c; these 



164 NOTES. 

were denominated vaXairrpx. The principal Gym- 
nasia in Athens were the Lyceum, where Aristotle 
taught ; the academy, in which Plato presided ;and, 
lastly, the Cynosarges, which gave the name of 
Cynics to that sect of philosophers, founded in this 
place by Antisthenes. (vid. Plutarch's Life of The- 
mistocles). 



NOTE 68. 

In these times flattery makes friends; truth, foes. 

Madame Dacier has elucidated this passage in an 
elegant and ingenious criticism, which clears Pam- 
philus from the charge of flattery which Sosia ap- 
pears to insinuate against him. The sentence in the 
original runs thus : " namque hoc tempore obse- 
quium amicos Veritas odium parit" " When Simo 
spoke of the obliging temper of his son, he intended 
to describe him as behaving with that complaisant 
politeness which is as remote as possible from flat- 
tery; the practice of which never requires of a man 
any thing inconsistent with the laws of truth and 
candour; otherwise he would have blamed his son, 
instead of praising him. But Sosia, following the 
example of people of his own rank, who always look 
on the dark side of every tiling, takes this opportu- 
nity of censuring the manners of the age, by declar- 
ing that people were unwilling to hear the truth. 



NOTES. 165 

Thus he mistakes obsequium, which really means an 
amiable mildness of manners, for assentatio, servile 
flattery, a vice which shows weakness of mind, and 
baseness of heart: and which renders those of our 
friends who practise it, more dangerous than even 
our enemies themselves. There is more ingenuity 
in this passage than appears at first sight." 

Madame Dacier. 
For some further very valuable critical observa- 
tions, the reader is referred to the preface to a trans- 
lation of Phsedrus's fables, published at Paris, about 
the middle of the 17th century. Besides very able 
remarks on the Andrian, and the rest of Terence's 
plays, the translator gives an ingenious comparison 
between fable and comedy ; he also translated into 
French, three of Terence's comedies, viz., The An- 
drian, The Brothers, and Phormio. 



NOTE 69. 

The Island of Andros. 

This island is situated in the iEgean sea, or, as it 
is now called, the Archipelago ; it is distant from the 
Pirseus, or port of Athens, about 500 of the stadia 
Olympica, or rather more than 50 English miles. 
It retains its original appellation. Bacchus seems 
to have been the reputed patron of this island; 



166 NOTES. 



which was also called Antandros, and has been 
mistaken by some for the Antandros of Phrygia 
Minor, where yEneas built his fleet. Vide Ovid's 
Meta. Book 13, 1.623 to 670. 



NOTE 70. 

The neglect of her relations. 

The relations of unmarried women in Greece 
were bound by law to provide for them, either by 
seeing them married to some suitable person, or to 
furnish them with the means of support according 
to their rank in life ; or if a woman had no near kin- 
dred, this duty devolved upon a guardian called 
y.vpK*;. It is probable that this obligation extended 
equally to the paternal and maternal relations, 
though the latter , generally acted only in case of 
the former becoming extinct. Terence warrants 
the supposition of relations on both sides, being 
compelled to act, as he uses the word cognatus, 
which signifies strictly a relation by the mother's 
side, agnatus, on the contrary, is never employed 
but to designate a kinsman by the father's side, 
though cognatus is often used as a common term for 
both; and such is its meaning in this passage : for 
if the law had been confined to the father's relations, 
Terence would certainly have used agnatus, and 



NOTES. 167 

thereby jclearly designated the particular persons 
who were bound to observe it. 



NOTE 71. 

The distaff and the loom. 

The Greek and Roman women led generally very 
domesticated lives, and passed a considerable por- 
tion of their time in spinning and weaving. The 
simple manners of the earlier ages obliged each fa- 
mily to depend, in a great measure, on itself, for the 
supply of its various wants, and the kings and he- 
roes of antiquity, might doubly prize a mantle or a 
vest, wrought by the hands of those who were dear- 
est to them. Wool was usually worn; but linen, 
though highly valued, seems to have been but rarely 
used. When the Greeks became mote refined, this 
simplicity of manners among women of rank gave 
place to less laborious habits, and slaves were in- 
structed in the art of spinning and weaving. 



NOTE 72. 
Several lovers made their addresses to her, fyc. 

This passage has been elegantly and chastely 
softened by an ingenious French writer, who flou- 
rished about the year 1650. I shall subjoin in this, 



168 NOTES, 

and other subsequent notes, the various alterations 
made by this judicious editor, together with the 
original passages : the lines he has introduced are 
beautifully written, and a close imitation of the style 
of Terence : I cannot doubt but they will be consi- 
dered worthy of a perusal : they are a proof of a 
laudable delicacy, which was but too rarely to be 
met with in many of the poets of both England and 
France, in the \lth century. 

The original passage runs thus : — 

" Primum haec pudice vitam, parce, ac duriter 
Agebat, lana ac tela victum quaeritans : 
Sed postquam amans accessit, pretiumpollicensj 
Unus, et item alter, ita ut ingenium est omnium 
Hominum ab labore proclive ai libidinem : 
Accepit cojiditionem, dei?i quaestum occipit." 

Which is altered by the French translator to the 
following : — 

" Primum haec pudice vitam, parce, ac duriter 
Agebat, lana ac tela victum quaeritans : 
Sed postquam ad Mam accessit adolescent ulus, 
Unus, et item alter ; ita ut ingenium est omnium 
Hominum ab labore proclive ad desidiam ; 
Spei'ans se cuipiam illorum uxoremfore, 
Fama? haud pepercit, illosque in domum suam 
Lubens admis'it nimium familiar iter. 

" At first she lived chastely, and penuriously, and 
laboured hard, managing with difficulty to gain a 



NOTES. 169 

livelihood with the distaff and the loom : but soon 
after several lovers made their addresses to her, and 
as we are all naturally prone to idleness, and averse 
to labour, and as they made her promises of marriage, 
she was too negligent of her reputation, and admitted 
their visits oftener than was prudent" 



NOTE 73. 

Aha ! thought I, he is caught. 

In the Latin, Certe captus est. Habet. Terence 
borrowed this expression (habet) from the amphi- 
theatre at Rome, where men called gladiators, who 
were (for the chief part) captives and slaves, fought 
before the people : who looked with great delight 
on these combats, which often terminated in death to 
half the persons engaged. When a gladiator was 
wounded, the people exclaimed Habet, he has it, 
and thus the word was often used at Rome, in the 
sense adopted by Terence. 



NOTE 74. 

He paid his share, and supped with the rest. 

In the Latin symbolum dedit, he gave his ring as a 
token, or pledge. This phrase is an allusion to a 
custom which prevailed chiefly at Rome. When a 



170 NOTES. 

party agreed to dine together at their own expense, 
or, in other words, to club together for an enter- 
tainment : each of the party gave his ring to him 
who had the care of providing the feast, as a sym- 
bol or token that he, the owner of the ring, was to 
join the company, and defray his share of the ex- 
pense. Hence, he who paid nothing, was called 
asymbolus. Rings were also given in contracts 
instead of a bond : and used for tokens of various 
kinds. The Greeks also seem to have called rings 
by the same*name, o-ipGoh*. 



NOTE 75. 

To give his daughter to Pamphilus with a large 
dowry. 

The word dowry, which is called, in Greek, 
ir?ol£, or /xefonz, or iiv» y originally meant the sum 
which a man gave to the family of the woman he 
married, and with which he might be said to pur- 
chase his wjfe : but, as the Greeks grew more re- 
fined, and also more wealthy, this custom was 
wholly abolished ; and the dowry was given by the 
wife's relations to the husband, to assist him in the 
maintenance of her and of her children. The dow- 
ries of women were, in Athens, considered a sub- 
ject of great importance ; and many laws were 
framed by the Athenian legislators, (particularly by 



NOTES. 171 

Solon,) to provide for the well ordering of women's 
fortunes. An heiress could be disposed of in mar- 
riage, only by her father, grandfather, or brother : 
if she had neither of these relations, the archons 
determined who was to be her husband ; and it was 
held so important to keep her estate in the family, 
that at one time a law prevailed, that if an heiress 
had no children by her first husband, she was 
taken from him by the authority of the archons, 
and given to her nearest relation. A wife, who 
brought a fortune to her husband, was called 
yvvvi ; she who brought none TraXAaxi. Solon, ap- 
prehensive of mercenary unions, at one time, 
passed a law, that a woman should carry to her 
husband only some furniture, and four or five 
changes of dress. But this seems to have been 
little observed. 

The large dowry which Simo says Chremes of- 
fered with Philumena, we may fairly suppose to 
have been twenty talents, as Chremes imagined he 
had but one daughter to portion off; when he had 
discovered Glycera, he gave her a dowry of ten 
talents ; and we must suppose that he reserved as 
mu^h more for Philumena. This will give us an 
idea of what the portions of the Athenian women 
usually were, and of the fortune of a citizen. 

Twenty Greek talents were nearly equal to 5,000/. 
sterling, according to some authors, though writers 
differ widely as to the amount of the Attic talent ; 
i 2 



172 NOTES, 

Dr. Arbuthnot makes it equal to 193Z. 15s., Mr. 
Raper to 232Z. 35. It is agreed on all sides that 
the Attic talent consisted of 6,000 drachmae ; but 
the value of the drachma was never correctly as- 
certained. Vide the table of monies in Note 208. 



NOTE 76. 
/ contracted my son. 

The Athenian youth were not allowed to dispose 
of themselves in marriage without consulting their 
parents, who had almost unlimited authority over 
them : if they had no parents, guardians, called 
E7nTf>o7rot, were appointed to control them. 

But it does not appear that any particular cere- 
monies were used in Athens, in contracting a bride 
and bridegroom, previous to the day of marriage ; 
and I rather imagine, Terence, in order to make the 
subject clear to his Roman auditors, alluded, by the 
word despondiy to the Roman custom of betroth- 
ing, called sponsalia y which they performed as fol- 
lows : — 

Some days before the wedding, the intended 
bride and bridegroom, with their friends, met toge- 
ther at the lady's residence, and the parent or 
guardian of each (as I imagine) asked each other, 
Spondes ? Do you betroth her or him ? Then the other 
party answered, Spondeo, I do betroth, Src. Then 



NOTES. 173 

the deeds were signed, the dowry agreed on, and 
the day appointed for the marriage. 



NOTE 77. 

Among the women who were there I saw one young 
girl. 

Women were frequently hired on these occa- 
sions, to appear in the funeral procession as 
mourners, of whom Horace says, 

" Ut quae conduct® plorant in funere, dicunt 
Et faciunt prope plura dolentibus ex animoque." 

Like those, who, hired to weep at funerals, 
Exceed, in noisy grief, a faithful friend. 



NOTE 78. 

She appeared more afflicted than the others ivho 
were there, and so pre-eminently beautiful, and of 
so noble a carriage, I approach. 

To understand the full force of Simo's remark, 
when he says how much he was struck with the 
contrast between Glycera and the rest of the 
mourners, it is necessary that the reader should 
be informed, that, in Athens, no woman under sixty 
years of age was allowed to appear at a funeral ; 
i 3 



174 NOTES. 

except the relations of the deceased. Solon im- 
posed this law upon the Athenians. 



NOTE 79. 

/ approach the women who were following the body. 

Literally, the women who were walking after the 
body. Though those women who were hired to 
follow a corpse, walked in procession, it was very 
usual in Greece, to attend funerals in carriages., 
and on horseback : but Chrysis, not being repre- 
sented as a citizen, the ceremonies, in respect to 
the procession, must be supposed to be different, 
The interment of the dead was considered of such 
extreme importance throughout the whole of 
Greece, that to want the rites of sepulture, was 
deemed by the natives of that country, a much 
greater misfortune than even death itself. The 
Greeks (and many other nations) believed that the 
spirit of a person whose corpse was unburied, 
could never obtain admittance to the Elysian fields : 
their imaginary place of reward for virtuous men 
after death. Two different methods of disposing of 
the dead prevailed in Greece. The most ancient 
of the two (as is generally allowed,) was much the 
same as the modern practice, the corpse was in- 
terred in a coffin, and deposited in the earth. The 
other mode was to burn the body, and to preserve 



NOTES. 176 

the ashes. The Athenians seem to have used both 
methods indiscriminately: their funerals were 
usually conducted by torch-light. On the third or 
fourth day after death, (though the time was varied 
according to circumstances,) the corpse was placed 
on a bier, with the feet towards the door ; and an 
obolus put into its mouth, to defray the passage 
across the Styx : a certain form of words was then 
pronounced over the body, which was afterwards 
carried out, and followed by the mourners : those 
of the same sex as the deceased were to be nearest 
the corpse : when it was placed on the pile, and a 
second form of words recited over it, some one of 
the mourners, (usually the nearest relation,) ap- 
plied a torch to the wood ; and, if the deceased 
was of high rank, animals of various kinds, and 
sometimes even human victims, were slaughtered, 
and thrown into the flames. The ashes of the 
dead were collected from the extinguished pile 
into an urn, and with some further ceremonies de- 
posited in a sepulchre. The Romans burned their 
dead in a similar manner. For a further mention 
of Greek funerals, vide Notes 77, 78, 80, 81. 



NOTE 80. 

We follow, and arrive at the tomb. 

Tombs, called by the Greeks r<z<p(n, or rtJ/*£ei, 
i 4 



176 



NOTES. 



which signify both the grave and the monument, 
were not allowed to be within the city of Athens, 
but were placed either in the public burial-place, 
or in private grounds belonging to the relatives of 
the deceased : it was not unusual to erect them 
by the road side at some distance from the city, 
whence the expression, so common on monuments, 
Siste Viator, Stay Traveller. The public burial- 
place of the Athenians was in that part of the 
Ceramicus situated beyond the city : it was very 
extensive. The other part of the Ceramicus con- 
tained the old forum, called &p%*ia ayopx. 



NOTE 81. 

The corpse is placed on the pile, and quickly enve- 
loped in flames ; they weep; while the sister I was 
speaking of, rushed forward, in an agony of grief, 
toward the fire ; and her imprudence exposed her 
to great danger. 

An eminent English poet, Sir Richard Steele, 
has endeavoured to adapt Terence's Andrian to the 
taste of an English audience, and has succeeded in 
that attempt, in his play, called The Conscious 
Lovers, as well as circumstances would permit. 
A French poet of equal eminence, Monsieur Ba- 
ron, has made a similar attempt in French verse, 
and has met with equal success in his Andrienne ; 



NOTES, 177 

he has kept much closer to the original than has 
Sir Richard Steele; indeed, many scenes of the 
Andrienne are a literal version of Terence. I pur- 
pose to point out the most material changes which 
the two modern poets have made in the incidents : 
the bent of the dramatic taste of the nation of each, 
may be discovered, in some measure, from a com- 
parison between the English, the French, and the 
Raman dramatist. M. Baron has not made any 
alteration in the scene at Chrysis' funeral, where 
Simo discovers his son's attachment to Glycera ; 
but Sir R. Steele, has altered the mode of dis- 
covery to a quarrel at a masquerade; and his 
scene, though it may want the pathos of the ori- 
ginal, yet displays the. filial affection of Bevil, the 
English Pamphilus, in a very amiable light. Sir 
Richard has modernized the characters of Simo 
and Sosia in Sir John Bevil and Humphrey. 

" Sir J. You know I was, last Thursday, at the 
masquerade; my son, you may remember, soon 
found us out. He knew his grandfather's habit, 
which I then wore, and though it was in the mode 
of the last age, yet the maskers followed us, as if 
we had been the most monstrous figures in the 
whole assembly. 

" Humph. I remember a young man of quality, 
in the habit of a clown, was particularly trouble- 
some. 

i 5 



178 KOTES. 

" Sir J, Right : he was too much what he 
seemed to be : he followed us, till the gentleman, 
who led the lady in the Indian mantle, presented 
that gay creature to the rustic, and bid him (like 
Cymon in the fable) grow polite, by falling in love, 
and let that worthy gentleman alone, meaning me. 
The clown was not reformed, but rudely offered to 
force off my mask ; with that the gentleman, 
throwing off his own, appeared to be my son ; and, 
in his concern for me, tore off that of the noble- 
man. At this, they seized each other, the com- 
pany called the guards, and, in the surprise, the 
lady swooned away ; upon which my son quitted 
his adversary, and had now no care but of the lady ; 
when, raising her in his arms, * Art thou gone/ 
cried he, ' for ever ? — Forbid it, Heaven !'— -She 
revives at his known voice, and, with the most 
familiar, though modest gesture, hangs in safety 
over his shoulders weeping; but wept as in the 
arms of one before whom she could give herself 
a loose, were she not under observation. While 
she hides her face in his neck, he carefully conveys 
her from the company." — Conscious Lovers. 

Sir John Bevil makes the same trial of his son, 
as Simo of his : and young Bevil makes the same 
reply with Pamphilus. The only difference in the 
conduct of the plot in that part is, that Bevil is not 
apprized of his father's stratagem by his own 



NOTES. 179 

servant ; but by Humphrey, which, as it shews a 
sort of half-treachery in him, is an inferior arrange- 
ment to that of the Latin poet. 



NOTE 82. 

That Pamphilus had actually married this strange 
woman. 

The expression l^a, peregrina, or strange wo- 
man, was generally used amongst eastern nations, 
to signify a woman of light character : it is very 
frequently employed in the Holy Writings in that 
sense. Vide Judges, chap. xi. ver. 2 ; Proverbs, 
chap. v. ver. 3. 10, 20. Thais, in the Eunuch, 
speaking of her mother, says, 

u Samia mihi mater fuit : ea habitabat Rhodi." 
My mother was born in Santos, and dwelt in Rhodes. 

Athenian citizens were not allowed to marry 
foreign women, even of reputation and virtue; 
this law was not strictly observed : the penalty for 
the violation of it was fixed at one thousand 
drachms. Simo mentions the epithet peregrina, as 
what Chremes said he had heard Glycera called ; 
but does not himself drop the slightest hint against 
her, but, on the contrary, praises her modest de- 
i 6 



180 NOTES. 

meanour ; as he must have been well aware, that 
she did not deserve such an epithet, being her op- 
posite neighbour, and having seen her abroad : 
|gW, or strange women, when they appeared in 
public, were obliged to wear striped dresses, to 
distinguish them from women of innocent con- 
versation, 



NOTE 83. 

Of a wicked mind, one can expect nothing bvt 
wicked intentions. 

In the Latin, mala mens, malus animus. It is 
not easy to discriminate with accuracy the different 
meanings the Romans attached to mens and ani- 
mus. Some think that animus meant the heart, 
and mens the faculty of thinking. Grotius has, in 
this passage, taken those words to signify cow- 
science and judgment : but, I think it probable, 
that the word animus was usually employed when 
they spoke of the soul, and that mens was intended 
to express what we understand by the word mind, 
when we speak of greatness of mind, or littleness of 
mind. Animus was, perhaps, about equivalent to 
that elegant expression, — instinctus divinitatis. 



NOTES. 181 

NOTE 84. 
Exit Sosia. 

" Here we take our last leave of Sosia, who is, in 
the language of the commentators, a protatick per- 
sonage, that is, as Donatus explains it, one who 
appears only once in the beginning (the protasis) 
of the piece, for the sake of unfolding the argu- 
ment, and is never seen again in any part of the 
play. The narration being ended, says Donatus, 
the character of Sosia is no longer necessary. He 
therefore departs, and leaves Simo alone to carry 
on the action. With all due deference to the 
ancients, I cannot help thinking this method, if too 
constantly practised, as I think it is in our author, 
rather inartificial. Narration, however beautiful, 
is certainly the deadest part of theatrical composi- 
tions : it is, indeed, strictly speaking, scarce dra- 
matic, and strikes the least in the representation : 
and the too frequent introduction of a character, 
to whom a principal person in the fable is to relate 
in confidence the circumstances, previous to the 
opening of the play, is surely too direct a manner of 
conveying that information to the audience. Every 
thing of this nature should come obliquely, fall in a 
manner by accident, or be drawn as it were per- 
force, from the parties concerned, in the course of 
the action : a practice, which, if reckoned highly 



182 NOTES. 

beautiful in epic, may be almost set down as abso- 
lutely necessary in dramatic poetry. It is, how- 
ever, more adviseable, even to seem tedious, than 
to hazard being obscure. Terence certainly opens 
his plays with great address, and assigns a proba- 
ble reason for one of the parties being so commu- 
nicative to the other ; and yet it is too plain that 
this narration is made merely for the sake of the 
audience, since there never was a duller hearer 
than Master Sosia, and it never appears, in the 
sequel of the play, that Simo's instructions to him 
are of the least use to frighten Davus, or work upon 
Pamphilus. Yet even this protatick personage is 
one of the instances of Terence's art, since it was 
often used in the Roman comedy, as may be seen 
even in Plautus, to make the relation of the argu- 
ment the express office of the prologue," — Col- 
man. 

Monsieur Baron does not dismiss Sosia here, 
but brings him on the stage again ; once in the 
third act, and once in the fourth. Sir R. Steele 
introduces Humphrey again in the first act, and 
also in the fifth. We are told by Donatus, that in 
the Andrian and Perinthian of Menander, which 
are similar in the plot, the first scene is the same 
as in Terence, but that in the Perinthian, the old 
man consults with his wife instead of Sosia ; and, 
in the Andrian he opens with a soliloquy. 



NOTES. 



183 



NOTE 85. 

But, here he comes. 

It has been objected against many dramatic 
writers, that they are guilty of great neglect in first 
bringing their characters on the stage, without pre- 
paring the audience for their appearance, and ac- 
quainting them with their names ; and sometimes 
it happens that an actor has been on the stage 
a considerable time, before the audience know whom 
he is meant to personate. Terence's art is admi- 
rably shown in this particular ; a new character 
scarcely ever appears on the stage after the first 
scene, before his name, and character, and per- 
haps what he may be expected to say or do, is an- 
nounced to the audience. For example, in the 
Andrian, Act I. Scene I., Simo describes the oc- 
cupation and character of Davus before he appears ; 
and names him to the audience as he comes on the 
stage. In Act I. Scene III., Davus introduces 
Mysis : in Act I. Scene IV., Mysis prepares the 
audience for the appearance of Pamphilus : in Act 
III. Scene IV., Simo announces Chremes, and 
Mysis is the nomenclator of Crito in the last scene 
of the fourth Act. This rule of preparation for 
the next scene was called, among the ancients, 
Trc&pxa-jtwv). 



184 NOTES, 



NOTE 86. 

How this rascal prates ! 

Carnifex quae loquitur. Carnifex, or carnufex, 
means literally an executioner : this was one of the 
most opprobrious epithets used by the Romans. 
Of all their public servants, the carnifex was the 
lowest in rank : his office extended only to cruci- 
fixion, which was never inflicted in Rome on any 
but those who were considered as the very worst of 
criminals. The person of the carnifex was held in 
such abhorrence, that he was never suffered to re- 
side in Rome, and rarely (though sometimes) per- 
mitted to enter the city. Vide Cicero 9 s Oration for 
Rabirius. Carnifex means literally a butcher ; and 
most of the writers of later ages have used it in that 
sense. 



NOTE 87. 

No : I am not CEdipus, but Davus. 

This is as much as to say, I am a plain man, 1 
am no reader of riddles : because (Edipus, king of 
Thebes, was particularly celebrated for solving an 
enigma, which had long baffled the penetration of 
all the Thebans. Ancient writers relate the story 
thus : Europa, the sister of Cadmus, the first king 



NOTES. 185 

of Thebes, having been carried off by Jupiter; Juno, 
in her jealousy, wreaked her vengeance on Europa's 
family, and persecuted Cadmus and his descend- 
ants with the most inveterate hostility. During the 
reign of Creon, one of the successors of Cadmus, 
Juno sent to destroy Thebes, a dreadful monster, 
called Sphinx, which was described as having the 
face and voice of a woman, the wings of a dragon, 
the body of a dog, and the claws of a lion. This 
extraordinary monster dwelt in a cave, immediately 
in the neighbourhood of Thebes, and seizing every 
one that ventured to approach, proposed the follow- 
ing well-known riddle, " What walks in the morning 
on four legs, at noon on two, and at night on three ?" 
Those who were unable to solve the enigma were 
instantly torn in pieces ; and, as the Thebans were, 
in general, so remarkable for their slowness and 
sluggishness, that they were called " Theban pigs'* 
by the rest of Greece, it may be readily believed 
that the monster's question long remained unan- 
swered. When the city was in danger of total 
demolition, Creon the king offered his daughter 
Jocasta, and his crown, to him who should solve 
the riddle, as the oracle declared that to be the 
only means of deliverance. This was at last ac- 
complished by (Edipus, who replied, that it was 
man : who crawls in his childhood, walks upright in 
the vigour of his age, and who uses a crutch when he 



186 NOTES. 

grows old: on hearing this answer, the Sphinx slew 
herself. 

Some commentator on Terence very ingeniously 
observes, that Davus, by saying that he is not 
(Edipus, and cannot understand his riddle, co- 
vertly insinuates that Simo is a second Sphinx. 



NOTE 88. 
The grinding -house. 

Terence has rendered by the word pistrinum, the 

Greek vufponsrifuv, or house of correction, whither 
criminals were sent for the various terms of impri- 
sonment proportioned to their offences. Slaves, 
while in this prison, were employed chiefly in 
grinding corn, which, from a deficiency of mecha- 
nical knowledge, was, in those times, a very labo- 
rious employment. The Athenians, who were uni- 
versally celebrated for their kind and gentle treat- 
ment of slaves, were very reluctant to proceed to 
severer punishments than whipping or imprison- 
ment : but when a flagrant delinquency rendered it 
necessary to make an example, they either burned 
the criminal with a hot iron, in the offending mem- 
ber, if possible; or put on his feet a torturing 
instrument, called x?»fi£. If the law required the 
criminal to suffer death, which happened in very 



NOTES. 



187 



tew cases, he was either hung, beaten to death 
with clubs, or cast into a deep pit, called 0af>«0poy, 
filled at the bottom with sharp spikes. They some- 
times had recourse to other extraordinary modes 
of punishment : but the before-mentioned were the 
most common. 



NOTE 89. 

In truth, friend Davus, from what I have just 
heard. 

This scene contains the second part of the nar- 
ration, which possesses all the requisites enume- 
rated by Cicero, -perspicuity , probability, brevity, 
and sweetness. It is introduced with Terence's 
usual art, and enough is said respecting Glycera's 
birth, to prepare the mind for the denouement in 
the last act. This scene, and that before it, are 
omitted in the Conscious Lovers ; and a dialogue 
between Humphrey and Tom, and another between 
Tom and Phyllis, the English Davus and Mysis, 
are substituted instead of them : but Phyllis is the 
servant of Lucinda, the lady Sir J. Bevil wishes 
his son to marry : and not of Indiana, the modern 
Glycera. The two scenes above mentioned con- 
tain only one incident : the conveyance of a letter 
from young Bevil to Lucinda, apprizing her of his 
disinclination to the match. 



188 



NOTES, 



NOTE 90. 

This affair must be handled dexterously, or either my 
young master or I must be quite undone. 

The original of this passage is as follows : Qua 
si non a,stu pi'ovidentur, me, aut herum pessundabunt. 
A deviation from the customary mode of expression 
sometimes occurs in our author's writings. I shall 
set down the most remarkable words of this nature 
that are to be found in this play. 



Abutor 9 with an accusa- 
tive. 

Alter co, foraltercor. 

Astu, forAstutia. 

Complacita est 9 for pla- 
cuit. 

Catus. 

Claudier, for claudi. 

Confiictatur, cum inge- 
niis ejusmodis. 

Buint, for dent. 

Diecula. 

Enter g ere se,for emergere. 

Face, for fac. 



Introspicere. 

Ipsus. 

Immutarier, for immutari. 

Morigera. 

Maximum facere homi- 

nem, for maximi. 
Ornati, for ornatus. 
Preci, for precibus. 
Postilld, for postea. 
Symbola, for symbolum. 
Spero, for timeo. 
Subsarcinatam. 
Tetulit 
Tumulti, for tumultus. 



N0TE5. 189 

NOTE 91. 

If he finds out the least thing I am undone. 

Terence has the art of making us feel interested 
in the favour of almost all his characters: they 
insensibly gain ground in our good opinion : even 
this Davus, who certainly has a spice of the rogue 
about him, creates a warm interest in his favour by 
his fidelity to Pamphilus ; and his generosity in 
risking his own safety to serve him : he braves the 
threats of Simo, when, by assisting him, and be- 
traying Pamphilus, he must have secured the old 
man s favour, and consequently great advantages 
to himself. But very few of the worst characters in 
Terence's plays seem to us to be wholly unamiable. 



NOTE 92. 

/ think their intentions savour more of madness than 
of any thing else. 

Terence plays upon the words in the original of 
this passage, which is as follows, 

*' Nam inceptio est amentium, haud amantium." 

literally, For they act like mad people, not like 
lowrs. This pun cannot be preserved in an English 
translation, till two words can be found alike in 



190 NOTES. 

sound, one meaning t€ mad people" and the other 
(i lovers" The only attempt in English is the fol- 
lowing : but the author has rather altered the 
sense. 

u For they fare as they were lunatuke, and not lovesicke." 

Bernard. 

Terence plays upon words in this manner several 
times in this play, 

Maledicere, malefacta ne noscant sua. 
Solicitandoy et pollicitando eorum airimos lactas. 
Quia habet aliud magis ex sese, et majus. 
Quo jure, quaque injuria. 
Ipsu'sibi esse injurius videatur, neque id injuria. 
P. Quid vis patiar? D. Pater est Pamphile. 

The ancients manifested very great partiality for 
this species of wit, which the Greeks called 
rrxpavoiActo-icc, and the Romans agnominatio, The 
writings of Plautus abound with puns above ail 
others, and he is thought to have applied them 
with great ingenuity : the following may serve as a 
specimen. 

Boius est, Boiam terit. 

Advenisse/ami/iarfs dicito. 
Nescio quara tu familiaris es : nisi actutum hinc abis, 
Familiarisy accipiere faxo haud familiariter 
Optumo optume optumam operam das. 

Though the Greeks and Romans considered pun* 



NOTES. 



191 



an ornament to writings and discourses of all kinds, 
modern critics have decided that they ought to be 
admitted only in writings of a light nature ; and 
that they decrease the force and beauty of grave 
and serious compositions, which ought to wear an 
air of dignified sublimity, unmixed with any thing 
of a trivial nature. 

The lines immediately preceding the before- 
mentioned passages are thus altered by a French 
editor. Vide Note 72. 

Ad hagc mala hoc etiam mihi accedit; haec Andria, 

Quam clampatre uxor em duxit Pamphilus, gravida ab eo est. 

The original lines are, 

Ad haec mala hoc etiam mihi accedit ; haec Andria, 
Sine ista uxor, tine arnica est gravida a Pamphilo est. 



NOTE 93. 

Boy or girl, say they, the child shall be brought up. 

In the Latin, 

Quidquid peperisset decreverunt tollere. 

Boy or girl, they have resolved that it shall be 
taken up. The words taken up allude to the cus- 
tom which prevailed in Greece, of destroying chil- 
dren. This barbarous cruelty was practised on 
various pretences ; if an infant was, at its birth, 



192 






NOTES. 



deformed in any of its members, or if it appeared 
extremely feeble or sickly, the laws allowed, and 
even enjoined, that it should be exposed : some- 
times illegitimacy was considered a sufficient cause 
for the exposure of a child. Though the parents 
were generally allowed to choose whether their 
offspring should be destroyed or preserved ; in 
some parts of Greece all the inhabitants were com- 
pelled to send their new-born infants to officers 
appointed to examine them: who, if they found 
them not robust and healthy, cast them immediately 
into deep caverns, called ccwqQstcu, which were de- 
dicated to this purpose. It was customary, in 
Athens, to place a new-born infant on the ground 
at the feet of its father, if he then took it up in his 
arms, it was considered that he bound himself to 
educate and provide for the child : hence, the ex- 
pression toller e, to take up : but, if on the contrary, 
he refused to acknowledge it, a person appointed 
for that purpose conveyed it to some desert place at 
a distance from the city : and there left it to perish. 
The Thebans are said to have been the only people 
in Greece, among whom this barbarous custom did 
not prevail: but the story of (Edipus, a prince who 
was exposed, though afterwards preserved, is a 
proof that they did not altogether abstain from this 
practice. 



NOTES. 



19S 



NOTE 94. 
To prove that she is a citizen of Athens. 

Women were allowed to enjoy the privileges of 
Athenian citizens, and, at the building of Athens, 
byCecrops, they carried a point of no less import- 
ance than the choice of a name for the new city, 
in opposition to the votes of the men. Varro tells 
us that Neptune wished the new-built city to be 
called after his name, and that Athena, or Mi- 
nerva, rivalled his pretensions. The question being 
put by Cecrops to his people, the men all voted for 
Neptune, but the women voted for Minerva, and 
gained, by one vote, the privilege of naming the 
city. The women were wholly excluded from any 
share in the government of Athens, in later ages ; 
though they still retained various privileges as 
Athenian citizens. 

For a further explanation of the rights of the 
Athenian citizens ; and for some account of the city 
of Athens, vide Notes 150, 179, 180, 181, 193, 
197. 



NOTE 95. 
Once upon a time, a certain old merchant. 
The title of merchant we are to suppose to be 



194 K0TES. 

t 

added by Davus to embellish the tale. Neither 
Chremes nor Phania are described as merchants. 
This addition is well managed by the author, as 
Davus, who thought the whole a fabrication, ima- 
gined he was more likely to gain credit by telling 
the tale that way ; as a considerable traffick was 
carried on between Athens and the island of An- 
dros, which was a very fertile spot. 

M. Baron has translated this scene with great 
ridelity and beauty. Davus developes in it a plan 
to break off the dreaded match with Philumena, by 
introducing Glycera to Chremes : which incident 
is substituted instead of the birth of the child. 
There is a break in the French lines which renders 
them inimitably beautiful. 

" De ce vieillard fougueux pour calmer la furie, 
Quoi ! Ne pourrions nous pas resoudre Glyceric 
A venir a ses pieds lui demander — ? Helas ! 
Glycerie est malade, et je n'ysonge pas." 

Baron. 



NOTE 96. 
Well, I'll betake myself to the Forum. 
A forum, both in Athens and Rome, was a large 
open space within the city, dedicated to various 
purposes. The forum was a place where the peo- 
ple met for public worship, for the administration of 



NOTES* 195 

justice, and to debate on the public affairs. In the 
Forum, also, were the temples, hospitals, sanc- 
tuaries, and the markets of all kinds : in short, it 
was a place of general rendezvous for men of all 
ranks and professions, and was, in many respects, 
very similar to those places of meeting we call by 
the name Exchange. 

In Rome there were six great forums, 1. the 
Roman, 2. the Julian, 3. the Augustan, 4. the 
Palladian, 5. the Trojan, 6. the Forum of Sallust. 
In Athens, the principal Forum was called a^aU 
*yo%* ; it was extremely spacious, and decorated 
with some very fine buildings, and statues of eminent 
persons. There were also many others, but the 
most considerable was called the Forum, by way 
of distinction. 



NOTE 97. 

Act I. Scene IV. 

Of all writers ancient or modern, except Seneca, 
Terence was the most indefatigable in endeavouring 
to embellish his writings with all the ornaments 
that alliteration could give them. It is not my 
intention to enter in this place into a discussion pf 
the advantages, or disadvantages that verses may 
derive from alliteration ; a subject on which critics 
differ as widely as they can on any other point. 
k 2 



196 NOTES. 

The practice of many first-rate writers, however, 
both ancient and modern, who have thought that 
alliteration adorned their compositions, entitles it 
to attention. Although eminent critics have argued 
against this literary ornament, that its success is 
but a trivial excellence, I cannot but remark that 
it is allowed on all sides that great labour, care, 
and patience, are requisite, to succeed in allitera- 
tion; which must certainly contribute to render it of 
some value, and afford an absolute proof of the ex- 
cessive labour and deliberation with which Terence 
wrote his plays, every line of which was, as I may 
say, weighed, before he wrote it down : for no 
author, ancient or modern, (with the before-men- 
tioned exception,) ever employed alliteration so 
frequently, nor, in my opinion, with better effect 
than Terence. 

The following lines will afford the reader a speci- 
men of the almost astonishing extent to which alli- 
teration was used by some of the'ancient authors, 
Greek and Latin, 

I. From Terence, 

Aua\x\, A\ chillis, jamdudum : Lesbiam adduci jube:- 
Sane pol ilia femuleiifa est mulier, et femeraria 
Nee sati digna cuicommittas prime* partis mulierem. 
Tain en earn adducam. Importunitafem spectafe aniculae y 
Quia compotrix ejus est. Diana da. facultatem, obsecro, 
Huicpaiiundi. atque illi in alius potiuspeccandi locum. 



NOTES. 197 

Sed, quidnam Pamphilum exanimatum tideo ? tereor quid 

siet. 
Opperiar, ut sciam, nnmquidnam haec £urba £risfi*iae ad- 

ferat. 
Ut aninmm «d aliquod stadium adjungant, ant equos — 
^iere, aut canes ad venandmn, cmt ad philosophos. 
In ignem imposita est. Fletur. Jnterea haec soror. 
-4/ala wens, ?«alus animus. Quera guidem ego si sensero. 
Ipsum animum <?grotum ad deteriorem partem plerumque 

app\ica.t, 
Nee,, quid agam, certum est; Pamphilumneadjutem, anaus- 

cnltem senh 
Facile, fingite, invenite, efficiZe, qui defur tibl 
Aliquot me adiere, ex te auditum qui aiebant. 
Quid isthuc ? si ita isthuc animum mduxti esse utile. 
iJ/ala ingeram multa ? ^tque aliquis dicat, nihil promoveris. 
Jiultum, M olestus certe ei fuero, atque animo morem 

gessero. 
Quibu' ^uidem ouam facile poterat auiesci, si hie ouiesset. 
Age, s\ hie ncn insauit satis sua sponte, instiga. 
^usculta. ^ludivi jam omnia. .4nne tu omnia? 
^fudivi inquam a principio. ^udistin'? 

optarit^arare hie diiritias, 

Potius quam in patria honeste pauper t'irere. 

SsktV jam satV Simo, spectata. 

In alio occupato amore, abhorrenti ab re uxoricL 

Pro peccato magno paulum supplicii satis est patri. 

Namhnne scio measolide solum gavisurum gaudia. 

Solus est quem diligunt Di. Salvus sum si haec veca sunt." 

II. From Seneca. 

" il/eleagre, wiatris 
fmpias mactas ; morerisque dextra 
K 3 



198 NOTES. 

7J/atris iratae meruere cuncti 
Tf/orte quod." 

Aecmgere, anime ; bella non levia apparasv 

Serrate sontem saxeo inclusnm *pecu. 

Pastor triformis littoris Tartessii. 
Peremptus, acta est praeda ab occasu ultima 
Notum Cythaeron pavit Oceano pecus. 
Penetrare jussus solis aestivi plagas. 

Conquesta domum : licet ipse velit 

Clarus niveos inter olores, 

Istrum cygnus Tanaimque colens, 

Extrema loqui ; licet Alcyones 

Ceyca. suum fluxu leviter. 

Plangente sonent, cum tranquillo 

Male confisae credunt interum. 

Obliquatque; oculos, oraque. 

Tandemque renias tictor ad rictam domum. 

III. From Cicero. 

Dc scripto dicta sententia est, quamSeuatus fiequens 
iecutus estsummo studio magnoque consensu. 

IV. From Pliny. 

Cum sciam, Domine, ad testimonium laudemque mo- 
rum meorum, pertinere tarn boni principis judicio exornari, 
rogo, dignitdti, ad quam me provexit indulgenlia tua, vel 
auguratum, vel septemviratum, quia vacant, adjicere digne- 



NOTES. 199 

ris : uf jure sacerdotii precari deos pro te publice pos- 
sira, quos nunc pvecor pietate privata. 

V. From Horace. 

Acriter etatrem, pretium cetas altera sordet. 
Ambigitur. 

VI. From Ovid. 

Se cupit imprudens. Et qui probat ipse probatur. 
Dumque petit, petitur j pariterque. 

VII. From Plutarch. 

KoafjLOt; Unv u$ &eye KpccTV)<; 9 to KQCfAOvv. Koa-[/.u $z 
to Koo-fjuafiepov. 

V1IL From Tyrtceus. 

IX. From JEschines. 
O* E| 'Exemov Ejg6rzt$ Ev Tv olxia. 

TavTa, ph iv ^ot ^oxw xa* TaXAa T« Toi/Toi?. 
"Eoiks, $s*^»<k< EjrgpyoXfliwen' E*pya<7aTo xa* 'ZvETnopxEr*. 

X. From i4wacreow. 

T* Mot, t» Mo* yo«R, 
T* Mot M&£» Mfpi/xiwy. 
K 4 



200 XOTES. 

Micron, ycg 



NOTE 98. 

However, Til bring her. 

Mr. Cooke makes this speech come from Ar- 
chillis, and writes it thus : Tamen earn adduce, I 
say, fetch her. This reading is taken from Guyetus : 
but Dr. Bentley objects to Archillis within calling to 
Mysis without. But as Mysis uses the expression 
importitnitatem spectate anicidce, see the old wo- 
man's importunity, and not audite importunitatem, 
hear, &c. : we must suppose Archillis to show her 
impatience by gestures, as she stood at the door of 
Glycera's house. 



NOTE 99. 

Mark, how importunate this old baggage is. 

Importunitatem spectate aniculce. Anicula is a 
word of singular derivation, and signifies literally a 
sorceress ; being compounded of two Latin words, 
one signifying an old woman, and the other to howl : 
because sorceresses always howled when they made 



NOTES. 201 

their incantations. We must not suppose that 
Mysis here meant to call Archillis a sorceress, but 
merely used the word above mentioned as a term of 
reproach. According to Antonius Magnus, the 
aniculce were not a little mischievous, as he pro- 
poses to shew by the following quotation : " Retulit 
Leonardus Varius, lib. L de Fascino, multas ha,c 
nostra tempestate existere aniculas, quarum impu- 
ritate non paucos efTascinari pueros, illosque non 
modo in gravissimum incidere discrimen, verum 
atque acerbam saepissime subire mortem. Pecudes 
insuper partu, et lacte privari, equos macrescere, 
et emori, segetes absque fructu colligi, arbores 
arescere, ac denique omnia pessum iri quandoque 
videri." — Antonius Magnus. Perscrutator re- 
turn abditarum naturse. Norimberga, 1681, p. 39. 



NOTE 100. 

Well, may Diana grant my poor mistress, &c. 

The common reading of this passage is, Di date 
facultatem, May the Gods grant, &c, but I should 
rather imagine that Terence wrote, Diana da facili- 
tate™, May Diana grant r &c, because, on these 
occasions, the Greeks never invoked the assistance 
of all the gods, but usually requested the help of 
Diana, as Glycera does afterwards, when she calls 
upon her by the name of Juno Lucina, (vide Note 
k 5 



202 NOTES. 

143). Diana was supposed to preside over women 
in childbirth, and was called 'EiXEiGtua. 



NOTE 101. 

A.I. S.V. Pamphilus, My sis. 

This scene contains the third and last part of the 
narration, which is entirely pathetic, and its length 
is very artificially and successfully relieved by the 
figure called by the Greeks vpoeruwowoHz, which is 
introduced with so many moving and pathetic 
graces, as afford ample proof that Terence was as 
great a master of the passions, as even Trabea, 
Attilius, and Ceecilius themselves, who were so 
highly extolled by the ancients for their excellence 
in compositions of that nature. Terence has admi- 
rably relieved the necessary length of his narration 
in this play, by his judicious method of dividing it : 
the first part is serious, (vide Note 65,) and raises 
our curiosity : the second part is comic, (vide 
Note 89,) and excites our laughter ; the third part 
is pathetic, and moves our pity. The lines in 
which Pamphilus describes the death of Chrysis 
are so extremely moving, that some of the most 
eminent critics have considered them at least equal, 
if not superior, to all attempts in the pathetic 
both ancient and modern. The finest passage in 
M. Baron's Andrienne is, (in my opinion,) his imi- 



NOTES. 203 

tation of the before-mentioned speech of Pamphi- 
lus : and the inimitable beauty which so much 
strikes us in the French copy ought to impress us 
with a just idea of the splendid merit of the Latin 
original* 

The whole speech is too long to be inserted here, 
the following are extracts : 

" Si je m'en souviendrai! Qui ? raoi? Toute ma vie. 

Ce que me dit Chrysis parlant de Glice>ie, 

Elle me dit, (Misis j'en verse encore des pleurs.) 

Elle estjeune, elle est belle, elle est sage, etjemeurs. 

Je vous conjure done par sa main que je tiens ; 

Par la foi, par l'honneur, par me3 pleurs, par les siens • 

Par ce dernier moment qui va finir, ma vie, 

De ne vous s6parer jamais de Glic£rie. 

Elle prit nos deux mains, et les mit dans la sienne : 

Que dans cette union l'amour vous entretienne ; 

C'est tout. — Elle expira dans le m£me moment. 

Je Pai promis, Misis, je tiendrai mon serment." 

dndrienne, A. I, S. VII. 



NOTE 102. 
And why has Chremes changed his mind. 

" Id mutavit, quoniam me immutatum videt. 

The verb immutare in other Latin authors, and 
even in other parts of Terence himself, signifies to 
change ; as in the Phormio, Antipho says, Non pos- 
sum immutarier. I cannot be changed. But here, 
k 6 



204 NOTES. 

the sense absolutely requires that immutatum 
should be rendered not changed. Madame Dacier 
endeavours to reconcile this, according to a con- 
jecture of her father's, by shewing that immutatum 
stands for immutabilis, as immotus for immobilis, 
invictus for invincibilis, &c. But these examples 
do not remove the difficulty ; since those participles 
always bear a negative sense, which immutatus does 
not : and thence arises all the difficulty. Terence 
certainly uses the verb immutare both negatively 
and positively, as is plain from this passage, and 
the above passage in the Phormio: and I dare say. 
with strict propriety. In our own language, we 
have instances of the same word bearing two senses, 
directly opposite to each other. The word let, for 
instance, is used in the contradictory meanings of 
permission and -prohibition. The modern acceptation 
of the word is indeed almost entirely confined to 
the first sense; though we say, even at this day, 
without let or molestation. Shakspeare, in Hamlet, 
says, 

* I'll make a ghost of him that lets me,' 

That is, stops, prevents, hinders me, which is 
directly opposite to the modern use of the word." — 
Colman. 

" Immutare always signifies to change, immu- 
tatus therefore cannot mean unchanged: we see, 
moreover, that Pamphilus has been all along in 



NOTES* 205 

love^with Glycera, and that he never for a moment 
entertained the slightest idea of forsaking her. 
This passage was very difficult ; but my father has 
made it easy, by shewing that immutatus is put for 
immutabilis, and that composed adjectives, which 
are derived from passive participles, do not always 
express what is done, but sometimes what may be 
done ; that is to say, they become potentials. For 
example,, immotus for immobilis, infectus for what 
cannot be done, invictus for invincibilis, invisus for 
invisibilis, indomitus for indomabilis, thus immutatus 
is for immutabilis ." — Madame Dacier. 

The reader will judge whether the arguments used 
by these two learned and ingenious critics, will 
justify them in translating immutatus in a sense 
directly opposite to its usual meaning, in the wri- 
tings of Cicero, and the most learned of the Roman 
authors. With all the respect which is unquestion- 
ably due to the pre-eminent talents of Madame 
Dacier and Mr. Colman, I am inclined to believe 
that the sense of this passage is made more clear by 
the reading I have adopted. If we allow their 
arguments to be of force, we must translate the 
sentence thus, is Chremes changed because he sees 
that I am unchanged. But if we allow immutatus to 
retain its usual signification, the sentence must be 
read thus, is he changed because he sees that I am 
changed: i. e., because I, whojiad so high a cha- 
racter for prudence, am changed, and by my con- 



206 NOTES. 

yiexion with Glycera have proved that I am impru- 
dent. It is, in short, as if he said, Chremes has 
changed his mind once on account of my connexion 
with Glycera, and now, I suppose, he changes it 
again for the same wise reason. This would not, 
(in my opinion,) be an unnatural expression for an 
impatient man : and the sequel of the same speech 
seems to favour this interpretation. 



NOTE 103. 

/ shrewdly suspect that this daughter of Chremes is 
either hideously ugly, or that something is atniss 
in her. 

In the Latin aliquid monstri alunt, they breed up 
some monster. 

This expression took its rise from the custom of 
exposing and destroying monstrous and deformed 
children, (see Note 93. ) which was required by 
law: therefore, those parents who resolved, not- 
withstanding, to educate a child of that kind, were 
compelled to do so with the utmost secrecy : hence, 
the phrase " alere monstrum" to breed up a mon- 
ster, was used in Rome, to express any thing done 
in great secrecy. Terence has, by no means, vio- 
lated probability, in representing Pamphilus as 
unacquainted with the person of Philumena : 
though she had been contracted to him ; as Grecian 



NOTES, 207 

women very seldom appeared abroad, and never, 
unveiled : and it not unfrequently occurred, that 
the bridegroom was introduced to the bride for the 
jirst time on the day of marriage. 



NOTE 104. 

She is in labour. 

In the Latin* Laborat e dolore. Cooke thinks 
that these words mean merely she is weighed down 
by grief: and argues, that if Pamphilus had un- 
derstood her words in any other sense, he would 
have urged her to more haste ; as he does, when 
she tells him that she is going for a midwife. But 
laboro sometimes means to strive or struggle, as in 
Ovid, 

u Et siraul arma tuli, quze nunc quoque ferre laboro." 

Metam., B. XIII. L. 285. 

'Twas then I bare 
Achilles' arms, which now I strife to wear. 



Also, in Horace, 



-" labored 



Lympha fugax trepidare. Od., B. II. O. 3. L. n. 

The rushing water strives 
To force a swifter passage. 

And that, doubtless, is its meaning, when joined 



208 NOTES. 

to dolore. What Mysis says, moreover, to Lesbia 
the midwife, in the first scene of the third act, is 
sufficient to justify this interpretation. 



NOTE 105. 

Can I suffer, that she, who has been brought up in 
the paths of modesty and virtue, ,shoxdd be exposed 
to want, and, perhaps, even to dishonour ? 

By the expression sinam coacticm egestate inge- 
nium immutarier? shall I suffer her innocence to be 
endangered by want ? I am inclined to believe that 
Terence meant, the want of friends and protection, 
and not poverty, because we are told afterwards, 
(Act IV.j that Glycera was possessed of the pro- 
perty of Chrysis, which we are to imagine, from 
what Crito says concerning it, to have been some- 
thing considerable. I believe egestate is often put 
for want of any kind. It may appear somewhat 
enigmatical, that Terence should speak of the libe- 
ral and virtuous education of Glycera, by such a 
person as Chrysis was said to have been ; but it is 
a circumstance in no wise repugnant to the manners 
of the Greeks; as we see in the Eunuch in the 
instance of Thais and Pamphila. 



NOTES-. 209 

NOTE 106. 

/ call upon you, then, by the fledge of this hand you 
now extend to me, and by the natural goodness of 
your disposition* 

Quod ego te per hanc dextram oro, et ingenium 
tuum. Some read genium, by your genius, or by 
your good angel, and quote the following passage 
from Horace in support of this reading : 

" Quod te pei % genium dextramque, deosque penates 
Obsecro et obtestor." 

Epistles, B. I. E. 7. L. 94, 

The difference, however, between the genius and 
the ingenium, is not very material ; as the inge- 
nium or disposition, was supposed by the ancients 
to be prompted by the genius, or tutelar spirit, 
who presided over and directed all the actions of 
mankind. Each person was thought to have a 
good and also an evil spirit, who never quitted its 
charge till death : the spirits attendant on the men 
were called by the Romans genii, and those belong- 
ing to the women were named junones. The Greeks 
considered these aerial beings as of a nature be- 
tween that of gods and men : and that they com- 
municated to the latter the will of the former by 
oracles, dreams, fyc. Apuleius takes the genius 
to be the same as the lar and larva : but it is most 
probable, that the larvae, lemures, and dsemoues, 



210 NOTES. 

were all used as names for what were termed the 
evil geniL 



NOTE 107. 
Be to her a friend, a guardian, a parent. 

Amicum, tutorem patrem. The word tutorem in 
this line, alludes to the Roman custom of appoint- 
ing guardians, which was usually performed with 
great ceremony: frequently on a dead-bed. The 
person who intended to constitute a tutor or guardian, 
made use of a set form of words, which were spoken 
before witnesses, when the ward was delivered to 
the guardian, with these words, " Hunc (vel hanc) 
tibi commendo, Tutor esto" I commend him (or her) 
to your protection, be to him a guardian. Thus 
Ovid, 

" Haec progeniesque mea est 
Hanc tibi commendo." Trist., B.T1I. El. 14. L. 14. 

To your protection I commit my offspring. 

Some words were also addressed to the ward, as 
" Hunc tibi tutorem do," I appoint this person your 
guardian. 

Donatus observes, that the line 

« Te isti virum do, amicum, tutorem, patrem," 

ought to be read with a long pause between 
each word, as Terence intended to describe the 



NOTES. 211 

broken, interrupted voice of a person at the point 
of death. 



NOTE 108. 
Charinus> Byrrhia. 

" These two characters were not in the works of 
Menander, but were added to the fable by Terence, 
lest Philumena's being left without a husband, on 
the marriage of Pamphilus to Glycerium should 
appear too tragical a circumstance." — Donatus. 

Madame Dacier, after transcribing this remark 
adds, that it appears to her to be an observation of 
great importance to the theatre, and well worthy 
our attention. 

Important as this dramatic arcanum may be, it 
were to be wished, that Terence had never found 
it out, or, at least, that he had not availed him- 
self of it in the construction of the Andrian. It is 
plain that the duplicity of the intrigue did not pro- 
ceed from the imitation of Menander, since these 
characters, on which the double plot is founded, 
were not drawn from the Greek poet, Charinus 
and Byrrhia are indeed but poor counterparts, or 
faint shadows of Pamphilus and Davus ; and, in- 
stead of adding life and vigour to the fable, rather 
damp its spirit, and stop the activity of its progress. 
As to the tragical circumstance of Philumena's 



212 NOTES. 

having no husband, it seems something like the 
distress of Prince Prettyman*, who thinks it a 
matter of indifference, whether he shall appear to 
he the son of a king or a fisherman, and is only 
uneasy lest he should be the son of nobody at all. 
I am much more inclined to the opinion of an inge- 
nious French critic, whom I have already cited 
more than once, than to that of Donatus or Ma- 
dame Dacier, His comment in this underplot is 
as follows: — 

" It is almost impossible to conduct two intrigues 



* The following extract will explain Mi-. Colman's al- 
lusion. 

Thimble. Brave Prettyman, it is at length revealed, 
That he is not thy Sire who thee conceaFd, 
Prettyman. What oracle this darkness can evince ! 

Sometimes a fisher's son, sometimes a prince. 
It is a secret, great as is the world } 
In which I, like the soul, am toss'd andhuiTd. 
The blackest ink of fate sure was my lot, 
And when she writ my name, she made a blot. 

[Exit. 
Bayes. There's a blustering verse for you now. 
Smith, Yes, Sir; but why is he so mightily troubled to 

find he is not a fisherman's son ? 
Bayes. Phoo ! that is not because lie has a mind to be his 
son, but for fear he should be thought to be 
nobody's son at all, 
Smth. Nay, that would trouble a man, indeed. 

Rehearsal, A. III. S. IV 



NOTES. 213 

at a time without weakening the interest of both. 
With what address has Terence interwoven the 
amours of Pamphilus and Charinus in the Andrian ! 
But has he done it without inconvenience? At tlte 
beginning of the second act, do we not seem to be 
entering upon a new piece ? and does the fifth con- 
clude in a very interesting manner?" — Diderot. 

It is but justice to Sir Richard Steele to confess, 
that he has conducted the under-plot in the Con- 
scious Lovers in a much more artful arid interesting 
manner than Terence in the play before us. The 
part which Myrtle sustains (though not wholly un- 
exceptionable, especially the last act,) is more 
essential to the fable than Charinus in the Andrian. 
His character also is more separated and distin- 
guished from Bevil, than Charinus from Pamphilus, 
and serves to produce one of the best scenes* in the 
play.*' Colma*-. 



NOTE 100. 
Byrrhia. — I beseech you, Charinus. 
Quaso cedepol, Charine. Mdepol means literally 
by the temple of Pollux, being an abbreviation of 
the words per templum Pollucis, as pol was used for 
per Pollucem : and hercle for per Herculem. These 
ancient expletives are of a similar nature to those in 

* A. IV. S. I. 



214 NOTES. 

modern use, which are almost all of religious de- 
rivation. 

To affirm a thing by the temple of Pollux, was a 
very common expression among the ancients ; and 
is frequently used in the plays of Terence, where it 
seems to have been particularly the oath of slaves. 
It was natural enough that Athenian slaves should 
asseverate by this temple, as it was the place where 
they were bought and sold by the inhabitants of 
Attica. This splendid building, which was so 
unworthily employed, was situated in the w£t« 
7ro%c, or the lower city, towards the sea; and was 
called 'Ay&Keto*, because Castor and Pollux were 
called uiXKB;. In the Greek mythology, Castor and 
Pollux were the twin sons of Leda : their father, 
Jupiter, rewarded their virtues, by giving them a 
place in the heavens, where they are called Gemini. 
They were supposed to preside over martial exer- 
cises, (for their skill in which they were particu- 
larly eminent,) and they had the power of allaying 
storms. These fables have caused the names of 
Castor and Pollux to be given to that well-known 
meteor which sometimes appears at sea in the 
shape of several fire-balls, which seem to adhere to 
the vessel, and which are judged to indicate an 
approaching calm. This phenomenon is called by 
the French, Spaniards, and Italians, San Elmo, or 
Hermo. 



KOTES. 215 



NOTE 110, 



Byrrhia. — / beseech you, Charinus, to wish for 
something possible, since what you now wish for is 
impossible ! 

Terence always admirably preserves the charac- 
ters of domestics, in the style of the advice they 
give their masters, which is very often conveyed in 
some trite adage, or formal apothegm. This is 
another instance of our author's art. Want of at- 
tention to the dialogue of the inferior characters, is 
a frequent fault among dramatic writers ; and often 
proves hostile to the success of a piece, particularly 
of a comedy, where it is absolutely essential. 



NOTE 111. 
To nourish a hopeless passion. 

Madame Dacier 'observes, with her usual judg- 
ment, that Terence simplifies a philosophical maxim 
in so elegant and familiar a manner, that it assumes 
a grace, even from the lips of a domestic. Dide- 
rot makes a similar remark in the Preface to his 
Pere de Famille ; which he probably remembered 
from the learned lady before mentioned. Mon- 
taigne has elegantly expressed the sense of Byrrhia ? 



216 



NOTES. 



speech. C'est foiblesse de ceder aux maux, mais 
c est folie de les nourrii\ 



NOTE 112. 

XJharinus. — What think you, Byrrhia, shall I speak to 

him? 
Byrrhia. — Why not ? that even if you can obtain 

nothing, you may make him think, at least, that 

Philumena will find a pressing gallant in you, if 

he marries her. 

The original of these lines is the most exception- 
able passage in this play. 

11 C. Byrrhia, 
Quid tibi videtur? Adeen' ad 'com? B. Quidni r si nihil im- 

petres, 
Ut te arbitretur sibi paratum mccchum, si Warn duxerit." 

The ingenious French editor, mentioned in Note 
7*2, has given the following elegant and delicate 
turn to this objectionable passage. 

" C. Byrrhia, 
Uuid tibi videtur ? Adeon' ad euni ? B. Quidni ? ut, si 

nihil inipefres, 
Ttsibi cavtndum credat, si itlam duxerit" 






% 



NOTES. 



217 



NOTE 113. 

You see me to-day for the last time. 

Though Char inus means, that the misery of losing 
Philumena would cost him his life, as he expressly 
tells Davus in the next scene, yet he only insinu- 
ates this by saying, You will never see me again : 
and avoids the mention of death: which was consi- 
dered among the Greeks as a word that should 
scarcely ever be named : and it was reckoned the 
height of ill breeding to discourse in company 
respecting human mortality; which was a subject 
to be spoken of only by distant hints : (vide Note 
190.J This whole scene is admirably written; and 
as well as the last scene in the first act, is a speci- 
men of Terence's powers in the pathetic. Some 
very ingenious remarks on this scene are to be 
found in Donatus, and in the Miscellanies of 
Nonnius. 



NOTE 114. 

AV<- if either you, or Byrrhia here, can do any 
_, in Heavens name, do it; contrive, invent, 
*>nd manage, if you can, that she may be given to 
you. 

It does not appear that Charinus and Byrrhia set 



218 NOTES. 

any stratagem on foot, in compliance with the 
wishes of Pamphilus, to break off the treaty be- 
tween Simo and Chremes ; indeed, they are rather 
inactive throughout the play, and the under-plot 
proceeds separately from the principal plot : this, 
I attribute to Terence's close imitation of Menan- 
der, in what respects Pamphilus's intrigue, as the 
characters of Charinus and Byrrhia were added by 
Terence : Menander's play being written with a sin- 
gle plot ; which was doubled by our author, in com- 
pliance with the taste of his age. It is supposed 
that Terence's reputation for art was gained chiefly 
by his success in combining two intrigues in one 
play : a mode of dramatic writing which the Ro- 
mans in those times considered a great novelty. 
The Stepmother is the only play written by Terence, 
in which the plot is single, and though critics in 
general argue with Volcatius, 

" Sumetur Hecyrasexta ex his fabula," 

that it is not equal to the rest of his productions, 
many persons, very eminent for their judgment, 
have attributed the superiority of the other five 
plays, to the advantages they possess over the 
Stepmother, both in portraiture of character, and 
in the conduct of the catastrophe, and of the fable 
in general, rather than to any additional attraction 
which they can derive from a double plot. The 



NOTES. 



219 



Carin and Byrrhie of M. Baron, are, in every re- 
spect, the counterparts of the Charinus and Byrrhia 
of Terence ; but Sir R. Steele has very much en- 
livened the character of Charinus ; his Myrtle is 
one of the most entertaining personages in the 
piece. Vide Notes 108, 159, 162, 163. 



NOTE 115. 
/ know your affair also. 
From Byrrhia, whom he had just parted from, 
as he afterwards relates : this, though a trivial cir- 
cumstance, shews Terence's great art. Donatus 
reads this sentence, 

(i Et tu quid ti?neas scio." 

but the measure of the verse does not seem to ad- 
mit of timeas. 



NOTE 116. 

Not a soul do I see before the door. 

The marriage ceremonies of the Greeks were, in 
many respects, very similar to those of the Ro- 
mans. In Athens, as at Rome, sacrifices were 
deemed necessary preliminaries to the celebration 
of a marriage : and the bride, accompanied by 
l 2 



220 NOTES. 

bride-women, whom the Latins called pronubce, the 
Greeks wpQwrfiou, was conducted to her husband's 
house with great ceremony; if the parties were of 
rank, the bride's train was increased by the attend- 
ance of many of her friends and relatives, who 
previously assembled at her father's house. It is 
to the absence of the bride's train, and of the mu- 
sicians who usually assembled before her door, and 
attended her to her new habitation, that Davus 
alludes, when he says, that he could perceive no 
company in the house, or before the door. For 
further information respecting the marriages of the 
Greeks and Romans, vide Notes 70, 75, 76, 117, 
118, 148, 149, 181. 



NOTE 117. 

Every thing is quite still and quiet. 

Cecrops, the first king of Athens, seems to have 
been the reputed founder of marriage-ceremonies 
among the Greeks : the Athenians accounted it so 
dishonourable to grow old in a single state, that 
their laws peremptorily required, that all the 
at^Tdxparopec, crrpaT»?yM, TroXs^ap^at, and r^|iap^ot, who 
were the principal military officers, also the oip^ovrtq 
and UpofvKetxts, or chief priests, as well as the 
archons and other chief magistrates, should be 
chosen from the married men only. 



NOTES. 221 

Numerous ceremonies were always performed at. 
Grecian marriages, many of which were performed 
at the house of the bride, and in procession from it : 
it is exceedingly well managed by Terence, that 
Davus should discover Simo's stratagem, by rinding 
Chremes' house " quite still and quiet," because the 
house of a bride was generally full of noisy com- 
pany. The following extracts from a learned 
writer on antiquities will afford some valuable 
information respecting the Greek marriages. 

" The Athenian virgins were presented to Diana 
before it was lawful for them to marry. This cere- 
mony, which was performed at Brauron, an Athe- 
nian borough, was called apxTeW. There was also 
another custom for virgins, when they became mar- 
riageable, to present certain baskets, full of little 
curiosities, to Diana, to obtain permission to leave 
her train, and to change their state of life. Indeed 
we find Diana concerned in the preparatory solemni- 
ties before all marriages ; for a married state being 
her aversion, it was thought necessary for all who 
entered upon it, to ask her pardon for dissenting 
from her. The ancient Athenians paid the same 
honour to Heaven and Earth, which were believed 
to have a particular concern in marriages, of which 
they were thought a proper emblem. (Prod, in 
Timce. Platon. Comment. 5.) The fates and graces 
being supposed to join, and afterwards to preserve 
the tie of love, were partakers of the same respect. 
l 3 



222 notes. 

(Pol. lib. III. cap. 3.) Before the marriage could 
be solemnized, the other gods were consulted, and 
their assistance also implored by prayers and sacri- 
fices. When the victim was opened, the gall was 
taken out and thrown behind the altar, as being 
the seat of anger and revenge, and therefore the 
aversion of all the deities who superintended the 
affairs of love. The married persons, with their 
attendants, were richly adorned, according to their 
rank* The house, in which the nuptials were cele- 
brated, was also decorated with garlands. (HierocL 
in Frag. *epi yccpov ; Stob. Serm. 186, Senec. Thebaid. 
v. 507 ;) a pestle was tied upon the door, (Poll, 
lib. HI. cap. 3. seg. 37 ;) and a maid carried a 
sieve, (Id. ibid.) the bride herself bearing (p^yero*, 
(ppiytTpov, or fyiyvirpov, which was an earthen vessel, 
in which barley was parched, (Poll. lib. I. cap. 12. 
seg. 246 ; Hesych.) and which was intended to sig- 
nify her obligation to attend to the business of a 
family. The bride was usually conducted in a 
chariot from her father's to her husband's house in 
the evening. She was placed in the middle, her 
husband sitting on one side, and, on the other, one 
of his most intimate friends, who was called irapoxos. 
They were sometimes accompanied by bands of 
musicians and dancers, (Horn. IL a. v. 491.) The 
song with which they were entertained on the road 
was called ap^arsiov pita?, from Sp/xa, the coach in 
which they rode, and the axle-tree of which they 



NOTES. 223 

burned as soon as they arrived at the end of their 
journey ; thereby signifying that the bride was ne- 
ver to return to her father's house. The day of the 
bride's leaving her father was celebrated in the 
manner of a festival, which was distinct from the 
nuptial solemnity, which was kept at the bride- 
groom's house, and began at evening, the usual 
time of the bride's arrival." — Robinson's Archceolo- 
gia Grceca. 



NOTE 118. 
But can see no bridemaid. 

Matronam nullam: Some commentators think 
that matrona and pronuba have a similar meaning; 
but though it is clear that both those words were 
used to describe females who attended the bride at 
a Roman marriage, I am inclined to believe that 
they have each a distinct signification. The Latin 
poets used matrona as a name for all married wo- 
men without distinction : thus, Horace evidently 
speaks of wives in general, when he says, 

" Matronae prater faciem nil cernere possis, 
Cetera, ■ demissa veste tegentis.'' 

The matron muffled in her modest stole, 
Will scarce allow her features to be seen. 
L 4 



224 NOTES. 

because married women only were allowed to wear 
the stola, a large robe which covered the person 
from head to foot. Matrons were distinguished as 
follows, matronas appellabant, quibus stolas ha- 
bendi jus erat: those only were called matrons, 
whose rank entitled them to wear the stola, (Alex, 
ab. Alex. lib. 5. cap. 18.,) as women of inferior rank 
wore the instita. The pronubse were always chosen 
from those women who had been married only once ; 
and it appears that a bride had several pronubse to 
attend her, but only one matrona. Terence says 
nullam matronam, whereas the pronubes were 
spoken of as being four or five in number. I think 
it not unlikely that the first in rank of the pronutoe 
was chosen to preside over the rest of the bride- 
maids, and to attend immediately on the person of 
the bride, whence she was called matrona pronu- 
barum, the chief of the bridemaids. Servius thinks 
that matrona was used to designate a woman who 
had one child : and thus distinguished from the 
mater-familias who had several. But Aulus Gellius 
is of opinion that all married women were called 
matronse, whether they had any children or not. 
Thus Ovid, speaking of Hersilia, the wife of Ro- 
mulus, who had no offspring, calls her matrona. 

" O et de Latia, O et de gente Sabin& 

Prapcipuum matrona decus •• dignissima tanti"— 



*n t otes. 225 

And thou, O matron, ornament of La tium, 

The chiefest glory of the Sabine race, 

Most worthy consort of so great a hero 



Nonnius supports Gellius in this opinion, 

NOTE 119. 

All was silent. 

Nil tumulti. Terence here compares guests, 
called together in a hurry, to soldiers raised on 
any sudden emergency of great importance. As no 
marriage had been thought of till that day, if 
Chremes had invited any guests, they could have 
had scarcely an hour's notice ; Davus, therefore, 
aptly calls such a hasty assemblage tumultus, 
which word was used to signify a very quick muster 
of soldiers on any pressing occasion, when all that 
took arms were called tumultuarii. (Vide Liv. I. 
37, 35.) Numerous allusions of this kind, which 
abound in the writings of Terence, cannot be hap- 
pily preserved in a translation. 



L 5 



226 sotes. 



NOTE 120. 

Besides all this, as I was returning, I met Chremes* 
servant, who was carrying home some herbs, and 
as many little fishes for the old mans supper, as 
might have cost an obolus. 

What a supper for a man of fortune ! as we 

must suppose Chremes to have been, since he 

could give Glycera and Philumena each a dowry of 

ten talents. The Athenians were remarkable, even 

to a proverb, for their extreme frugality. To tell a 

person that he lived £rrouip% or like an Athenian, 

was to tell him in other words that he lived penu- 

riously. The food of the common people was very 

coarse ; being such as they could procure at a 

slight expense. M^», a very common food among 

them, was a mixture of meal, salt, water, and oil : 

and another, called pvrrurop, was a composition of 

garlick, eggs, and milk. Many of those who 

drank water, drank it warm ; as the water of the 

hot fountains, (of which there are many in Greece,) 

was reckoned highly restorative. This simple diet, 

however, soon gave place to greater delicacies, and, 

in Greece, as in all other countries, refinement and 

luxury kept pace with each other. For the value of 

an obolus, see the table of money in Note 208. 

An obolus worth of food was, probably, as much as 

would furnish a coarse meal for one person. Plu- 



NOTES. 227 

tarch tells us, that the Athenian women were for- 
bidden, by law, to travel with more food than could 
be purchased with an obolus : this harsh law must 
have been formed with a view to prevent them from 
making any long stay abroad. Vide Notes 71, 
103. 



NOTE 121. 

If you do not use all your endeavours to gain the 
support of the old man's friends, you will be no 
nearer your wishes than ever. 

Nisi vides, nisi senis amicos oras, ambis. The 
meaning of ambis in this line is very equivocal ; 
ambire means to solicit, and also to run round. 
Some commentators give ambis the same sense 
with oras : but that makes Davus's speech incom- 
plete. I have seen an attempt to support this 
reading by making Pamphilus speak the word am- 
bis, with which he breaks in upon Davus. The 
learned reader will judge what degree of attention 
ought to be paid to this reading ; I have adopted 
that which seemed to me to be most agreeable to 
the sense. If frustra had been added, the line 
would have been more intelligible. Ambit has much 
the same meaning in the following passage, 

" Locum, quo me Dea texerat inscius ambit." — Ovid. 
L 6 



228 NOTES. 

NOTE 122. 

Glycera, moreover, is destitute and friendle. ., 

Terence here alludes to the Athenian law, which 
compelled all sojourners in Athens to choose a 
patron and protector : we must suppose that Gly- 
cera had neglected that ceremony after Chrysis' 
death. Davus insinuates that it would afford Simo 
a sufficient pretext to drive her from the city. If a 
suit at law, called £c&o?rk&'m ^*>j, was instituted 
against a sojourner in the before-mentioned circum- 
stances : all the offender's property was confiscated 
to public use. 



NOTE 123. 
To banish her from the city. 

Banishment, among the Athenians, was of three 
kinds, 1. <pvy*, temporary exile, the length of which 
was fixed by the judges. 2. 'Ot^xk^os, ten years* 
banishment, during which the exile was allowed to 
receive the proceeds of his estate. 3. uutpvyia, per- 
petual banishment. The last kind was chiefly in- 
flicted on murderers, the second on men, who 
grew so extremely popular and powerful as to en- 
danger the security of a republican government. 
Mr. Cooke thinks, with Dr. Bentley, that " the ori- 



notes. 229 

ginal of this passage should be read, earn eiciat 
oppido, instead of earn ejiciat oppido : he supports 
this reading by the following quotation, 

Tityre ; pascentes a flumine reice capellas. — Virgil. 

where the measure determines the spelling. 

In the three manuscript copies of Terence, in the 
possession of Dr. Mead, two of them have eiciat ; 
and what is worthy the reader's notice, that which 
has ejiciat is written in the manner of prose." 



NOTE 124. 

Therefore, do not let the fear of his changing his 
mind prevent you from following my advice. 



-Nee tu ea causa minueris 



Haec quse facis, ne is suam mutetsententiam. 

It is impossible to ascertain, beyond a doubt, 
what Terence meant to express by these lines, and 
the most ingenious critics have differed entirely re- 
specting their true signification. Some think this 
sentence should be interpreted thus : Be careful not 
to discontinue your visits to Glycera, lest Chremes 
should think you have broken off your connexion 
with her, and change his mind in consequence, and 
resolve to give you his daughter, In short, don't 
quit your intrigue, and reform, lest Chremes shoidd 



230 NOTES. 

hear of it, and give you Philumena : among those 
who read the words in this sense, the most eminent 
are Bernard, Echard, M. Baron, the authors of the 
old Paris edition of 1671, and of the old English 
edition with notes. At the head of those who have 
adopted a contrary interpretation are Cooke, Col- 
man, and Madame Dacier, who translate the lines 
thus, Let not the fear of Chr ernes' changing his 
mind, and resolving to give you his daughter, make 
you hesitate in doing this, i. e., in telling your father 
that you'll marry. I have adopted the latter trans- 
lation, which seems more pertinent to the subject 
on which Davus and Pamphilus were conversing. 
The word haec, moreover, usually refers to some- 
thing immediately present, as was the topic of 
Pamphilus consenting to the marriage to deceive 
Simo. Terence, I think, if he had intended to 
allude to the visits, letters, Sfc, to Glycera, would 
have used the word istheec. I conclude this note 
with the opinion of Madame Dacier respecting this 
passage, which that learned lady translates as 
follows : — 

u Car queChremesne veuille pas'vous donner safille, 
cela est hors de doute. Gardez vous done bien que la 
crainte quil ne change de sentiment, et ne veuille que 
vous soyez bon gendre, ne vous fasse changer quelquc 
chose au conseil que je vous ai donne. 

This passa ge is extremely difficult. I have been 
obliged to tahe a little latitude to make it clear. 



:n t otes. 231 

I shall explain the words literally: Nee tu ea 
causa mirmeris hsec quoe facis, ne is mutet suam 
sententiam. This is the construction, nee tu mi- 
nueris hsec quae facis, ea causa ne is mutet suam 
sententiam. Change not your intention to do what 
you are going to do ; that is to say, what I advise 
you to do : ea causa ; on this pretext ; ne is mutet 
suam sententiam; that you fear lest Chremes 
should change his mind : minuere, to diminish, is 
used for to change, as in the Stepmother, 

Sed non minuam meura consilium. 

But I will not alter my resolution." 

Madame Dacier, 



NOTE 125. 

As to the hopes you indulge, that no man will give 
'his daughter to you, on account of this imprudent 
connexion that you have formed ; I will soon con- 
vince you of their fallacy. 

We must not suppose, that the sentiments ol 
Pamphilus were really such as Davus here insinu- 
ates : this would be representing him as an unblush- 
ing profligate ; who, because he was disinclined to 
marriage, wished his character to be so very blacky 
that no reputable family in Athens would admit him 
as a son-in-law : for this is the sense of what Davus 



232 NOTES. 

says, though I have rather softened his expression. 
Whoever attentively peruses what Simo says of his 
son, (in Act I. Scene I.) must perceive how incon- 
sistent such a wish must be with the character of 
Pamphilus. Madame Dacier observes very aptly 
on a similar expression of Sosia, " les valets 
prennent toujours tout du mauvais cote, slaves always 
look on the dark side of every thing. In respect to 
the bej or e-mentioned passage, I am rather inclined to 
the opinion of a late ingenious commentator, who 
speaks of it as follows : 

" Mr. Davus talks here as if he did not know 
what to say. In my humble opinion, these four 
lines are no ornaments to the scene : 

Nam quod tu speras, Propulsabo facile : uxorem his mo- 

ribus 
Dabit nemo : inopem inveniet potius, quam te corrurapi 

sinat : 
Sed si te aequo animo ferre accipiet, negligentem feceris ; 
Aliam otiosus quaeret : interea aliquid accident boui. 

Here are poor sentiments in pure Latin, which is 
more than once the case in our poet. The speech 
closes better with tibi jure irasci non queat." — 
Cooke. 



notes. 233 



NOTE 126. 

Pamphilus. But we must take care that he knows 
nothing of the child, for I have promised to bring 
it v.p* 

Davus. Is it possible ! 

An allusion is here made to the exposure of 
children, for an account of which, see Note 93. 

Pamphilus, in this sentence, says pollicitus 
sum : there is very great force in this expression, 
which cannot be gracefully expressed in English. 
Pollicitatio, writes a learned commentator, magna- 
rum rerum est promissio, means the promise of 
something of great consequence. It signifies also 
something promised over and over again, after 
great persuasion and entreaty. 



NOTE 127. 

So as I saw the old man coming this way, I followed 
him. 

Id propterea nunc hunc venientem sequor. 

Dr. Bentley thinks that this line ought to be omit- 
ted as spurious, because the word hunc refers to Pam- 
philus, who had not quitted the stage at all, from the 
time of Charinus* departure until that moment: 



234 NOTES. 

and, therefore, what Byrrhia says about following: 
him thither must be nonsense. This passage is 
made very clear by Madame Daeier, who shews 
that Id propterea is the commencement of another 
sentence, and makes hunc refer to Simo, instead of 
Pamphilus. The lines ought to be read thus. 

Byrrhia. Herns me, relictis rebus, jussitPamphilum 
Hodie observare, ut quid ageret de nuptiis 
Scirem. Id propterea nunc hunc venientem se- 
quor. 



NOTE 128, 

Byrrhia, (aside.) Now, for my master's sake, I 
dread to hear his answer. 

Some commentators make this speech come 
from Davus; but it certainly is more natural from 
Byrrhia : because, by the word dread, he expresses 
a suspense about what the answer might be, which 
Davus could not feel, because he and his master 
had previously agreed upon it. 



NOTE 129. 

Byrrhia, (aside,) Ha ! I am struck dumb ; what did 
he say ? 
Hem! obimitui ! quid dixit! 
I think this reading seems more consistent than 



kotes. 235 

that which is usually printed, where obmutuit 
comes from Davus : as Byrrhia might well be sup- 
posed to express surprise at Pamphilus's answer, 
which was directly different from what Pamphilus 
and Charinus had previously agreed on. 

The dialogue of this scene is carried on too un- 
connectedly, as Mr. Colman observes. 

41 Donatus remarks on this scene between 
Byrrhia, Simo, Pamphilus, and Davus, that the 
dialogue is 'sustained by four persons, who have 
little or no intercourse with each other : so 
that the scene is not only in direct contra- 
diction to the precept of Horace excluding a 
fourth person, but is also otherwise vicious in its 
construction. Scenes of this kind are, I think, 
much too frequent in Terence, though, indeed, the 
form of the ancient theatre was more adapted to the 
representation of them than the modern. The mul- 
tiplicity of speeches aside is also the chief error in 
his dialogue ; such speeches, though very common 
in dramatic writers, ancient and modern, being 
always more or less unnatural. Myrtle's suspicions, 
grounded on the intelligence drawn from BeviPs 
servant, are more artfully imagined by the English 
poet, than those of Charinus, created by employing 
his servant as a spy on the actions of Pamphilus." — 
Colman. 



236 NOTES. 



NOTE 130. 

Byrrhia. (aside.) From what I hear, I fancy my 
master has nothing to do but to provide himself 
with another mistress as soon as possible. 

Herus, quantum audio, uxore excidit. 

" This expression is extremely elegant ; excidere 
uxore means to lose all hope of obtaining the wo- 
man he courted, Excidere lite, to lose a cause, is 
a similar phrase. This mode of expression is in 
imitation of the Greeks, who used Ixmnreft in the 
same sense." — Madame Dacier. 

Terence, undoubtedly, was extremely happy in 
the choice of his words; and his expressions are 
frequently so terse and nervous, that they cannot be 
translated but by a circumlocution which very much 
diminishes their grace : the following are words of 
that description which occur in this play, 

" Liberaliter, conflictatur, familiariter, invenus- 
turn, indigeas, pollicitus, excidit, lactasses, ingeram, 
in proclive, producer es, conglutinas, illicis, atten^ 



NOTES. 237 



NOTE 131. 



Byrrhia. Well, I'll carry him an account of what 
has passed. I suppose I shall receive an abun- 
dance of bad language in return for my bad news, 

Remmciabo, ut pro hoc malo mihi det malum. 

There is a jest in the Latin, which it is impossible 
to preserve in a translation : it turns on the word 
malum, which was used at Rome to signify the 
punishment inflicted on a slave, who played his 
part badly on the stage : as the inferior characters 
in a Roman play were personated by slaves. Thus, 
Byrrhia means to say, I shall rehearse my part so 
little to my master's satisfaction, that I am sure to 
be punished. The writings of Terence abound with 
allusions of different kinds. It is not improbable 
that Terence acquired a taste for dramatic writing, 
by frequenting the stage in his youth, before he 
obtained his liberty : as slaves were employed in 
the theatres in considerable numbers. It is remark- 
able that several very eminent Latin and Greek 
writers were originally slaves ; Terence, Coecilius, 
iEsop, Diodes, Rhianus, Epictetus, Tyrannion, and 
(as some say) Plautus, were all elevated from a ser- 
vile station. A celebrated writer remarks on this 
subject as follows:— 

" Of the politest and best writers of antiquity, 



'238 tfoTEs. 

several were slaves, or the immediate descendants 
of slaves. But all the difficulties occasioned by 
their low birth, mean fortune, want of friends, and 
defective education, were surmounted by their love 
of letters, and that generous spirit, which incites. 

Still to be first, and rise above the rest. 

Strmulos dedit aemula virtus : 
Nee quemquam jam ferre potest Caesarve prioiem 
Pompeiusve parem.—LucAN. 

'Twas emulative virtue spurred them on ; 
Caesar no longer a superior brooks, 
And Pompey scorns an equal." — Knox. 

Byrrhia's whole speech, from which the before- 
mentioned line was taken, has been thus altered by 
the learned French writer mentioned in Notes 72 
and 112. Vide Note 133. 

" Ego illam vidi virginem : forma bona\ 
Memini videre, quo aequior sum Pamphilo, 
Si se illam uxorem quam ilium habere maluit. 
Renunciabo, ut pro hoc malo mini det malum." 

The original lines are as follows, 

u Ego illam vidi virginem : forma bona 
Memini videre ; quo aequior sum Pampliiio, 
Si se illam in somnis, quam ilium, amplecti maluit. 
Renunciabo, ut pro hoc malo mihi det malum." 



notes. 239 



NOTE 132. 

Davus. (aside.) He has missed his aim ! I see this 
nettles him to the quick. 

M. Baron has lengthened this scene considerably : 
and makes a trial of repartee between Simo and 
Davus : one passage in which I think the ancient is 
surpassed by the modern, particularly deserves to 
be recorded. 

s< Puis-je esperer qu'aujourd'hui sans contrainte 
La verity pourra, sans recevoir d'atteinte, 
Une fois seulement de ta bonclie sortir." 

Andrierme, A. II. S. VIL 

Tell me, slave, 
Is't possible that truth can pass thy lips, 
And be for once unsullied in its passage. 



NOTE 133. 

Davus. While circumstances allowed him, and while 
his youth, in some measure, excused him, I confess 
he did. 

This is the last passage in this play that has been 
altered by the learned French writer, whom I have 
already cited several times. He has varied the lines 
dm follows, 



240 NOTES. 

" Dum licitum est il i, dumque aetas tulit, 
Si vixit liberius, at cavit ne id sibi 
Infamiae esset, ut virum fortem decet." 

Altered from the following, 

" Dum licitum est illi, dumque aetas tulit, 
Amavit: turn id clam. Cavit ne unquam infamiae 
Ea res sibi esset, ut virum fortem decet." 

I have now completed my extracts of the altera- 
tions made by this very learned and judicious 
writer, of various passages in our author, which 
might sound somewhat harsh to a delicate ear. 
I cannot but think that these alterations are worthy 
of the attention of the editors of Latin classics, who 
might adopt them with advantage in those editions 
of Terence, which are intended to be introduced 
into schools. It is impossible to be too cautious re- 
specting those writings which are placed in the 
hands of youth : that work, perhaps, has the great- 
est merit, which can be submitted to their perusal 
most unreservedly. 

li Virtutem doctrinaparet." — Horace. 

I shall conclude this subject with an extract from 
that inestimable Tractate of Education, addressed 
by Milton to Mr. Samuel Hartlib : after various in- 
structions to those who superintend the studies of 
youth, he observes, " Either now, or before this, 
they may have easily learnt, at any odd hour, the 



NOTES. 241 

Italian tongue ; and soon after, but with wariness 
and good antidote, it would be wholesome enough 
to let them taste some choice comedies, Greek, 
Latin, or Italian. Those tragedies, also, that 
treat of household matters, as Trachinice, Alcestis, 
and the like." 



NOTE 134. 

He was cautious as a gentleman should be. 

Cavit ut virumfortem decet. 

The words virum fortem in this passage do not 
mean a brave man, but a noble, well-bred, or ho- 
nourable man. Latin authors sometimes used fortis 
in that sense. Thus, Ovid, speaking of Polyxena, 
says, 

u Rapta sinu raatris, quam jam prop& sola fovebat, 
Fortis, et infelix, et plusquam foemina, virgo 
Ducitur ad tumulum ; diroque fit bostia busto." 

The noble maid, her mother's only hope, 
Torn from her fostering arms by barbarous force, 
Was led a victim to Achilles' tomb : 
Where, to appease the hero's angry shade, 
They offered up the life of her he loved. 

The Romans used virtus also in a similar manner 
to signify virtue, bravery, and nobleness. The 

M 



242 NOTES. 

Greek word a^xlq was of the same signification with 
the Latin fortis : it meant sometimes a brave, some* 
times a virtuous man. Menander employs t« *»*« 
in this sense, 

Menander. 

A man, ere he deserves the. name of great, 
Must overcome ten thousand difficulties. 



NOTE 135. 

Simo. Yet he appeared to me to be somewhat melan- 
choly. 

This is admirably contrived by our author. Pam- 
philus is a youth of so open and ingenuous a dispo- 
sition, that he cannot attempt to practise the 
slightest deceit upon his father, without a visible 
uneasiness and sadness in his demeanour. Terence 
conducts this affair in a manner infinitely more 
natural than does Sir R, Steele ; who makes young 
Bevil counterfeit an eagerness to attend the lady 
his father designs for him, that is rather inconsist- 
ent with strict ingenuousness. But Terence has 
shewn wonderful art in his portraiture of Pamphi- 
lus's behaviour in this scene : he asks his father 
no questions ; he is silent and spiritless ; and sedu- 
lously avoids mentioning any thing connected with 



NOTES. 



243 



his marriage, or his intended bride, and, as Mr. 
Colman ingeniously suggests, Pamphilus's dissi- 
mulation may find some palliations in the artful 
instigations of Davus. 



NOTE 136. 

Ten drachms for the wedding supper. 

Instead of referring the reader to the Table of 
Money in Note 208, for the value of the drachma, 
I purpose to enter more at large, in this place, into 
a subject that has so much occupied the attention of 
the learned. The drachma, (fya;flw?>) it is gene- 
rally agreed, was equal to three scruples, six 
oboli, (oSoXoq,) and eighteen siliqua, (ttipctnov). 
Pliny, Valerius Maximus, and Strabo, believed the 
Attic drachma and the Roman denarius to be equi- 
valent. But, if we admit of the correctness of this 
estimation, it affords us no certain information, as 
authors can agree as little on the value of the dena- 
rius, as on that of the drachma. Kennett computes 
the Roman denarius at 7 d. 2qrs.; Greaves, Ar- 
buthnot, and Adams, at Id. 3q.; Tillemont at 
lid., and, in the Philosophical Transactions, (Vol. 
LXL, Part II., Art. 48.) they estimate the dena- 
rius at 8c/. liq. 

Mr. Raper makes the Attic drachm worth 
m 2 



244 NOTES, 

9d. -f(f V Greaves reckons it equal to 67 grains, 
which, supposing silver to be sold at 5s. per ounce, 
fixes the drachm at 8d. l{qr. Dr. Arbuthnot 
computes it 6d. 3gr.|fuf • Others fix the Attic talent 
at 187Z. 105., and the drachm at Id. 2qrs., or the 
eighth part of an ounce of silver. If we take the 
mean of these computations, we may suppose the 
Attic drachm to have been equal to Sd; the 
Eginean to 13 d. 3qrs.; the insular to 16 c?.; and 
the drachm of Antioch, to 48 d. The learned Ma- 
dame Dacier speaks of the Attic drachm thus : 
" la drachme Attique valait a peu pres cinq sols" 
No person, I think I may venture to assert, was 
ever more habitually correct than Madame D. 



NOTE 137. 

Indeed, Sir, I think you are too frugal ; it is not 
well timed. 

Tu quoque perparce nimium. Non laudo. 

Donatus thinks, that the force of quoque in this 
line is as follows : He (Pamphilus) is much to blame 
for his childish petulance in taking offence at so tri- 
fling a circumstance: and you (Simo) also are to 
blame for having made so sparing a provision for 
your sons vjedding supper. Terence has managed 
the whole circumstance very artfully : Simo intend- 



KOTES. 



245 



ing to deceive Pamphilus and Davus, had provided 
to the amount of ten drachms, which was sixty 
times more than the expense of Chremes' supper, 
which cost but an obolus, (vide Note 120 J and ac- 
counts for what he said to Sosia, Act I. Scene L 
(vide Note 60.) But we are meant to suppose, that 
his frugality would not allow him to support the 
deceit by purchasing a plentiful wedding supper, 
which, among the Athenian citizens of rank, was a 
most expensive entertainment. (Vide Herodot, B. 1. 
C. 133. Arrian, B. 7. C. 26.) 



NOTE 138. 
Davus. (aside.) I 've ruffled him now. 

Simo is supposed to overhear this speech of 
Davus. Vide Note 210. 

The whole of the second act (as well as the first) 
has been preserved in Baron's Andrienne, without 
alteration. 

In the Conscious Lovers, the second act varies 
considerably. Instead of the scene between Davus 
and his master, Indiana and Isabella are intro- 
duced, and afterwards Indiana and Bevil : but 
both these scenes are entirely barren of incident. 
Bevil protects Indiana, as Pamphilus protects Gly- 
cera ; but the former is on the footing of a protec- 
m 3 



246 



NOTES. 



tor onhj, and remains an undeclared lover until the 
fifth act. 

Terence has wrought up the second act of this 
play with the utmost art and caution : a particular 
beauty in the pieces written by this great poet ap- 
pears in the judicious disposition of his incidents, 
and in his so industriously concealing his catas- 
trophe until the proper time for its appearance. 
This is a circumstance of great importance in dra- 
matic writing, to which some authors pay too little 
attention. An ingenious critic of the last age has 
pointed out a very extraordinary instance of a total 
deficiency of art in this respect, where both the 
plot and the catastrophe are completely revealed in 
the very title. This piece is Venice Preserved, or 
the Plot Discovered, which is, in other respects, a 
very fine production. How much such a title as 
this must deaden the interest that an audience 
would otherwise feel from their suspense ! This is a 
point which admits of no argument. 

l< Vestibulum ante ipsum, primoque in limine finis 
Scribitur." 



NOTE 139. 

Lesbia. 

The circumstance of a female officiating as a me- 
dical attendant is of some importance. Caius 



NOTES. 



247 



Hyginus, a learned Spaniard, and the freedman of 
Augustus Csesar, mentions in his " Mythological 
Fables" an ancient Athenian law, prohibiting wo- 
men from the practice of physic : this prohibition 
was productive of great inconvenience in many 
cases, and afterwards' repealed ; when free women 
were suffered to practise midwifery. To ascertain 
the date of this repeal, would afford us some guide 
to fix on the times, when the scenes described in this 
play were supposed to happen, and the manners of 
which both Menander and Terence meant to por- 
tray. 



NOTE 140. 

Glycera. 

I have taken the liberty of following the example 
of Bernard, Echard, and most of the French trans- 
lators, in softening the word Glycerium, which, to 
an English ear, sounds masculine enough for the 
name of Csesar or of Alexander. But, for a fe- 
male's name, 

" Why, it is harder, Sirs, than Gordon, 

Colkitto, or Macdonnel, or Galasp ? 

Those rugged names to our like mouths grow sleek, 

That would have made Qidntiliun stare and gasp." 

Milton. 

m 4 



248 NOTES. 



NOTE 141. 

My sis. — For, girl or boy, he has given orders, 
that the child shall be brought up. 

Nam quod peperisset jussit tolli. 

Vide Notes 93, 126. When circumstances would 
not allow the father of an infant to take it up from 
the ground himself, if he intended to preserve it, 
he commissioned some friend to perform the cere- 
mony for him. This is the meaning of jussit tolli 
in this passage. Vide Pitis Diet., Art. Expositio, 
and Athenae. B. 10. 



NOTE 142. 

Simo. — Jupiter ! what do I hear ? it is all over 
if what she says be truth I — is he so mad ? a fo- 
reigner too ! 

I imagine that in this passage, Terence meant 
Simo to call Glycera a foreigner merely, and not a 
woman of light character, which peregrina some- 
times means, (vide Note 82.) Madame Dacier 
translates the words ex peregrina by " 9 uoi d'une 
ttrangtre ? e'est d dire oVune courtisane, car comme 
je Vai remarque ailleurs, on donnoit le nom oV Gran- 
ger es a toutesles femmes debauchees: et je crois qu'ils 
avoient pris cela des Orientaux ; car on trouve 



kotes. 249 

«trangere en ce sens la dans les livres du Vieux 
Testament." But peregrina will hardly bear this 
interpretation in this particular passage, because 
we must suppose that Simo had not that opinion of 
Glycera's character ; for he himself (Act I. Scene I.) 
says, that her appearance was " so modest and so 
charming, that nothing could surpass it." Simo, 
however, had sufficient reason for exclamation; 
supposing that he considered Glycera merely as a 
person who was not a native of Athens. The Athe- 
nian laws were rigorously strict in prohibiting a 
citizen from contracting a marriage with any wo- 
man who was not a citizen : if such a marriage was 
contracted, and the parties impeached and con- 
victed, the husband was fined very heavily, in pro- 
portion to his property ; the wife sold for a slave ; 
and any person who was proved to have used any 
species of deceit to induce the Athenian to form 
this forbidden connexion, was punished with the 
worst kind of infamy, which included the loss of 
his liberty and of his estate. The first of these 
punishments was called £V)/xta, the second ^ouAeia, 
and the third krtf/w. If Simo, therefore, supposed 
that Glycera was not a citizen, and believed Pam- 
philus to be her husband, his apprehensions appear 
very natural. 



m 5 



250 NOTES. 



NOTE 143. 

Glycera. — Juno, Lucina, help ! save me, I be- 
seech thee. 

Though Juno was sometimes called Lucina, Di- 
ana is the goddess here called Juno Lucina. Diana 
received the appellation of Juno, (as I apprehend,) 
because she was considered by the ancients as 
presiding over women in child-birth: and might, 
therefore, very properly be termed Juno, the 
guardian genius of women ; as Junones was the 
usual name for those spirits who were supposed to 
be the protectors of women, as the genii were 
thought to be the guardians of men: (vide Note 106.) 
Catullus addressing Diana, calls her expressly by 
the names Juno Lucina : 

" Tu Lucina dolentibus 
Juno dicta puerperis." 

And thou, Juno Lucina called 
By women who implore thy aid. 

Cicero also confirms the assertion of Catullus, 
" Ut apud Grsecos Dianam eamque Luciferam, sic 
apud nostros Junonem Lucinam invocant." As the 
Greeks call upon Diana Lucifera, so we call upon 
the same goddess by the names of Juno Lucina. 
Diana was almost universally worshipped in Greece, 
where many magnificent temples were erected in 



NOTES. 251 

her honour : amongst which, was that of Ephesus, 
reckoned one of the wonders of the world. Of this 
magnificent structure, the ruins may now be seen 
near Ajasalouc in Natolia. The temple was pur- 
posely burned by Eratorastus, who adopted this 
mode of perpetuating his name. The Greek festi- 
vals celebrated in honour of their imaginary deities 
were almost innumerable : and those dedicated to 
Diana, shew the high estimation in which she was 
held. A surprising number of festivals were cele- 
brated in honour of this goddess, in various parts 
of Greece. The following are the names of the 
chief of those held in Athens, 

Tio-a-ccpcty.oo-Tov, Movvvy^ct, Oa,py/)Xi&, Ai(jt,mr$ix f 
'ApTB^Wix, Bpctvpwv^, EAapijCoMa. Vide Athen., 
Aarcvoa-o. B. 14. 



NOTE 144. 

Why, Davys, your incidents are not well timed at 
all, man. 

u Non sat commode 
Divisa sunt teniporibus tibi, Dave, haec." 

Another allusion to the drama : Simo compares 

Davus's supposed plot to a comedy, and Davus the 

contriver of it he calls magister, which was the title 

of the person who instructed the actors in their 

m 6 



252 NOTES. 

parts, or perhaps the title of the author. Simo ac- 
cuses Davus of bringing forward his catastrophe 
too soon, and asks him whether the actors in his 
piece (discipuli) had forgotten their parts. 

Ancient dramatic writers were very strict in ad- 
hering to their rules of composition. 

According to Vossius, the ancients divided a 
comedy into three parts: 1. protasis, 2. epitasis, 
3. catastrophe. The protasis occupied Act I., and 
was devoted to the explanation of the argument, 
The epitasis took up Act II. III. IV., contained 
the incidents, and wrought up the mind to a de- 
gree of interest, taking care to leave it in doubt ; 
which brought on the catastrophe, which unravelled 
and cleared up the whole; and is defined by Sca- 
liger thus, " conversio negotii exagitati in tranquil- 
litatem non expectatam :" a sudden changing of the 
hurry and bustle of action into unexpected tranquil- 
lity. The same learned critic adds a fourth part to 
the before-mentioned three, which he calls catas- 
tasis, and places immediately before the catas- 
trophe : he defines the catastasis as follows, " vigor 
ac status fab ulce, in qua res miscetur in ea fortunes 
tcmpestate, in quam subducta est :" that liveliness 
and issue of the plot, in which the various incidents 
are mixed up in such a commotion of fortune as to he 
in a proper state to be brought down to the catas- 
trophe. 



NOTES. 253 



NOTE 145. 

What a laughing -stock would this rascal have made 
of me. 

Quos mihi ludos redderet. 

This is an allusion to the games which were ex- 
hibited among the ancients with a view to entertain 
the people ; and also to create in them a spirit of 
emulation in glorious actions. Games, both in 
Greece and Rome, constituted a part of religious 
worship ; they were divided into three classes, 

1 . what the Romans called ludi equestres, or horse, 
and chariot-races; 2. ludi agonales, or combats of 
gladiators and others, and also of beasts ; 3. ludi 
scenici et musici, or dramatic exhibitions of all kinds, 
music, dancing, Sfc. The chief games among the 
Greeks were, 1. the Olympic, dedicated to Jupiter ; 

2. the Pythian, to Apollo ; 3. the Nemaan, to Her- 
cules; 4. the Isthmian, to Neptune ; 5. the games 
celebrated at the observation of the Eleusinian mys- 
teries, in honour of Ceres and Proserpine : 6. the 
great Panathencea, dedicated to Minerva. Those 
who obtained the victory in these games, were uni- 
versally distinguished ; and their success reflected 
glory on their family, and even on the cities from 
whence they came ; part of the wall of which was 
thrown down to admit them in triumph on their re- 



'254 xotes. 

turn. Those Athenians who were conquerors in 
the Olympic games, were afterwards (at their own 
option,) maintained at the public charge, and en- 
joyed various extraordinary privileges. Among the 
Romans, the principal games were, 1. the Lucli 
Romani, dedicated to Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva ; 
2. the Sceculares, to the deities and the fates ; 3. 
the Comitates, to Neptunus Equestris ; 4. the Ca~ 
pitolini, to Jupiter Capitolinus. The Romans cele- 
brated their games chiefly in the Circus Maximus ; 
which, as a place of entertainment, was magnifi- 
cently extensive. Pliny asserts that it would con- 
tain one quarter of a million of spectators ; and more 
modern authors have augmented that number to 
380,000. 



NOTE 146. 

Noiv, first, let her be bathed. 

Nunc primum/ac ui lavet 

Though I have followed the common reading in 
this passage, as it is not a point of any importance, 
I think it doubtful whether Terence meant Lesbia to 
speak of the mother or the child, when she said 
the words fac ut lavet, as the Greeks practised a 
remarkable ceremony on new-born infants, in order 
to strengthen them. A mixture of water, oil, and 
wine, was made in a vessel kept for the purpose, 



notes. 255 

which they called Xovr^lv and xvrhos, and, with this 
liquid, they washed the children ; as some think, 
they wished to try the strength of the infant's con- 
stitution, which, if weak, yielded to the powerful 
fumes of the wine, and the children fell into fits. 
I imagine that this was done, when it was the ques- 
tion if an infant should be exposed, as puny, sickly 
children sometimes were. (Vide Note 93.) 



NOTE 147. 

Davits. — Truly, at this rate, I shall hardly dare 
open my mouth. 

Sed, si quid narrare occsepi continuo dari 
Tibi verba censes. S. Falso. D. Itaque hercle nil 
jam mutire audeo. 

Dr. Bentley reads falso in Davus's speech ; and 
Cooke thinks it should be altogether omitted. I 
have followed the old English edition in supposing 
the word in question to be spoken ironically, 
which is certainly consistent with the usual style of 
conversation between Simo and Davus. 



256 NOTES. 



NOTE 148. 

Now, jinding that the marriage preparations are 
going forwards in our house, she sends her maid to 
fetch a midwife. 

This is a very subtle contrivance. Davus intends 
that the birth of Pamphilus's child shall be re- 
ported to Chremes to alarm him, (as we see Act V. 
Scene I. page 82,) and, therefore, that Simo may 
not suspect him, he persuades him that Glycera is 
contriving to spread reports of Pamphilus's engage- 
ments to her. M. Baron has entirely omitted the 
incident of the birth of the child. He introduces 
Sosia again to fill up the chasm. In a scene be- 
tween Simo, Davus, and Chremes, the latter is 
induced to renew his consent to the marriage, by 
overhearing a conversation between Simo and Da- 
vus ; in which, as in the original, the slave invents 
a tale that Pamphilus and Glycera are at va- 
riance. 

Sir R. Steele varies the third act altogether ; he 
makes it turn wholly on the underplot, of which the 
chief personages are Luanda, and her two lovers 
Myrtle and Cimberton : the latter is a pedantic cox- 
comb, and added to the original characters by 
the English poet. 



NOTES. 257 

NOTE 149. 

And to provide a child at the same time, thinking that 
unless you should see a child, the marriage would not 
be impeded, 

— — " Et puerum ut adferret simul ; 

Hoc nisi fit puerum ut tu videas, nil moventur 
nuptioe." 
Moventur, in this passage, does not mean to 
move forward: but signifies to move back with dis- 
turbance, to hinder, or to disorder, and is used in- 
stead of perturbantur. Moveo is very unfrequently 
though sometimes employed in this sense. I shall 
cite one passage from Horace, where it has the same 
meaning as in the before-mentioned line from Te- 
rence. 



-" Censorque moveret 



Appius, ingenuo si non esscm patre natus." 

He to whom I owe my birth was free, 
A freeborn citizen : had he not been so, 
The censor Claudius Appius would have stopt, 
And driven me back. 



NOTE 150. 
A. III. S. III. Simo. (alone) I am not exactly, &c. 

Terence uses an expression in the beginning of 



258 NOTES. 

this scene that has been a source of discussion 
among the critics. It is in the following line, 

u Atquehaud scio an quae dixit sint vera omnia," 

I have selected from a very long note on this 
passage, by an eminent writer, the following ex- 
tracts, which will afford, I trust, a satisfactory 
elucidation of the line in question. 

" Atque haud scio an quae, dixit suit vera omnia : 
this seems, at first sight, to signify, I do not know 
if all that he has told me be truth; but, in the ele- 
gance of the Latin expression, however, haud scio 
an, means the same &sfoi*tasse (perhaps) as if he 
had said haud scio an non. Thus, in the Brothers, 
A. IV, S. V. v. 33. Qui infelix haud scio an illam 
misere non amat : which does not mean, / do not 
know ivhether he loves her, but, on the contrary, / do 
not know that he does not love her. Also, in Cicero's 
Epistles, B. IX. L. 13., I stud quidem magnum, 
atque haud scio an maximum ; this is a great thing, 
and perhaps the greatest of all, or, I do not know 
but it is the greatest of all. And, also, in his Ora- 
tion for Marcellus, when he said that future ages 
would form a juster estimate of Caesar's character 
than could be made by men of his own times ; he 
says, Servis Us etiam indicibus qui multis post sceculis 
de^ te judicabunt, et quidem haud scio, an incor- 
ruptius quam nos. There are numberless examples 
of this kind in the writings of Cicero ; and I know 



NOTES. 



259 



that there are some which make for the opposite 
side of the question, as in his book on " Old Age" 
speaking of a country life, he says, Atque hand 
scio an ulla possit esse beatior vita. But, it is my 
opinion, that these passages have been altered by 
some person who did not understand that mode of 
expression, and that it ought to be, Atque haud 
scio an nulla possit esse beatior vita." The Au- 
thor of the old Translation of Terence. Printed 
1671. Paris. 

Terence frequently has this construction: the 
two following sentences are of similar difficulty ; 
they both occur in this play : 

Id paves, ne ducas tu illara ; tu autem, ut ducas. 
Cave te esse tristem sentiat. 



NOTE 151. 

A. III. S. IV. Simo, Chremes. 
Simo. — Chremes, I am very glad to see you. 

" Jubeo Chremetem {saluere): the last word is 
not spoken, because the speaker is interrupted by 
Simo. It is necessary to observe that jubeo does 
not always signify to command, but sometimes 
means to wish, to desire, especially when the 
speaker's wish is afterwards verbally expressed ; 
according to what Donatus observes on this pas- 



260 XOTES. 

sage, " Columus animo, jubemus verbis." — Old 
Paris Edition. 

Terence has portrayed Chremes as a very amiable 
character ; he is mild and patient, and the most 
benevolent sentiments issue from his lips, It was 
necessary, as Donatus observes, to represent 
Chremes with this temper, for, had he been violent 
and headstrong, he could not have been supposed 
to seek Simo, and afterwards renew his consent, 
which is a very important incident, upon which the 
remainder of the epitasis entirely hinges. The 
Chremes of Sir R. Steele (Sealand) has all the 
worth of Terence's original, but is deficient in that 
polish of manners which renders the Latin character 
so graceful. 



NOTE 152. 

The quarrels of loxers is the renexcal of their love. 

Amantium irse amoris integratio est. 

In this sentence I have followed the Latin gram- 
matical construction ; and I believe it is also allow- 
able in English, in such a case as this, to choose 
at pleasure either the antecedent or the subse- 
quent for the nominative case. Very few sentences 
from profane writers have (I imagine) been more 
frequently repeated than Amantium irai amoris in- 



NOTES. 261 

tegratio est, an observation which is undeniably 
just. This sentence has been repeatedly imitated. 
As by Seneca, 

Plinth. " Redire pietas, unde summota est, solet. 
Reparatque vires Justus amissas amor." 

Thyestes, A. III. S. I. 

Affection, though repell'd, will still return : 
And faithful love, though for a moment curh'd, 
Or driven away, will, with augmented strength. 
Regain its empire. 

And also by Ovid, 

Quae modo pugnarunt junguntsua rostra columba?, 
Quarum blauditias verbaque murmur habet. 

Ovid, Art. Am., B.2. v. 465. 



NOTE 153. 

Simo. — Yet the most serious mischief, after all, can 
amount but to a separation, which may the gods 
avert. 

The Athenian laws permitted citizens to divorce 
their wives on very trivial pretences ; but com- 
pelled them, at the same time, to give in a memo- 
rial to the archons, stating the grounds on which the 
divorce was desired. A citizen might put away his 
wife, without any particular disgrace being at- 
tached to either the husband or the wife; and 



262 NOTES. 

when the divorce was by mutual consent, the par- 
ties were at liberty to contract elsewhere. He who 
divorced his wife, was compelled to restore her 
dowry, though he was allowed to pay it by instal- 
ments : sometimes it was paid as alimony, nine 
oboli each month. 

For a very flagrant offence, a wife, by the Athe- 
nian laws, might divorce her husband : if the men 
divorced, they were said aTroTripTruv, or a,irotevn» 9 
to send away their wives : but if the women di- 
vorced, they were said avohiivrsi*, to quit their 
husbands. (Vide Potter's Arch. Grcec, Vol. II. 
B. IV. C. 12.) 

Terence artfully makes Simo use the word dis- 
cessio instead of divortium. or discidiu?n, or repu- 
dium : which means the worst kind of divorce. 
Discessio, among the Romans, was nearly the same 
as a separation among us: by separation, I mean 
what our lawyers call divorce a mensa et t'horo ; 
which does not dissolve the marriage, and which 
they place in opposition to divorce a vinculo ma- 
trimonii ; which is a total divorce. In the earliei 
ages of the Roman Republic, the wife had no option 
of divorcing her husband : but it was afterwards 
allowed, as we see in Martial. 

" Mense novo Jamreterem, Proculeia, maritum 
Deserts, atque jubes res sibi habere suas. 
Quid, rogo, quid factum est ? subiti qua? causa doloris?" 

B. 10. Epigi. 39. 



NOTES/ 263 

NOTE 154\ 

Why is not the bride brought ? it groxvs late. 

An Athenian bride was conveyed to her bride- 
groom's house in the evening by torchlight, at- 
tended by her friends : vide Notes 116, 117, 118, 
119. Various singular customs prevailed among 
the Athenians at their marriages : when the bride 
entered her new habitation, quantities of sweet- 
meats were poured over her person : she and her 
husband also ate quinces, and the priests who 
officiated at marriages (vide St. Basil, Horn. 7 ', 
Hexame.) first made a repast on grasshoppers, 
(t£t)»76s, cicadse,) which were in high esteem 
among the Athenians, who wore golden images of 
this insect in their hair, and, on that account, 
were called rirltye$. Grasshoppers were thought 
to have originally sprung from the earth ; and, for 
that reason, were chosen as the symbol of the 
Athenians, who pretended to the same origin. 



NOTE 154 B . 

/ have been fearful that you would prove perfidious, 
like the common herd of slaves, and deceive me in 
this intrigue of Pamphilus. 

Ego dudum non nil veritus sum. 



264 NOTES. 

Donatus makes a remark on the style of this 
sentence, which deserves attention, " gravis oratio 
ab hoc pronomine (ego) plerumque inchoatur," a 
speech which begins with the pronoun ego is gene- 
rally grave and serious : to which some commenta- 
tor has added the following remark respecting the 
before-mentioned passage from Terence, " Est 
autem hoc principium orationis Simonis a bene- 
volentia per antithesin." The remarks of Donatus 
and Nonnius on the style of our author, are gene- 
rally very acute and ingenious. Scaliger, Muretus, 
and Trapp, may be added to the critics before 
mentioned. The learned writer last named has 
composed a treatise in Latin " De Dramate" which 
contains many very valuable hints relative to dra- 



NOTE 155. 
Simo* — Ha ! what's that you say? 

There is a play upon words here, which I have 
endeavoured to preserve in the English. The La 
tin is as follows. Davus. Occidi. Simo. Hem! 
quid dixisti ? Davus. Optume inquam factum. 
If the requisite similarity of sound was preserved in 
this pun, it may be conjectured that the Latin i 
was not pronounced very differently from the i of 
the modern Italians. Vide Note 92. 



NOTES. 265 

NOTE 156. 

Pam. — What trust can I put in such a rascal? 

Oh ! tibi ego ut credam furcifer ? 

The epithet furcifer (rascal) is of singular deri- 
vation ; and, though it was an appellation of great 
reproach in the times of Terence, yet, in later ages 
of the Roman Republic, it bore a very different 
signification. The name of furcifer, which was 
originally given to slaves, took its rise from the 
Roman custom of punishing a slave who had com- 
mitted any flagrant offence, by fastening round his 
neck a heavy piece of wood, in the shape of a fork, 
and thence called furca ; this occasioned the de- 
linquent to be afterwards called furcifer, (furcam 
ferre.) Three modes of punishment by the furca 
were practised at Rome: 1. ignominious, 2. penal> 
3. capital. In the first, the criminal merely car- 
ried the furca on his shoulders for a short period ; 
in the second, he wore the furca, and was whipped 
round the Forum ; in the third, after having been 
tied to a large furca, somewhat like a modern gal- 
tows, he was beaten to death. Slaves were treated 
more severely by the Romans than by the Athenians, 
who were celebrated for their mild and gentle be- 
haviour to that class of persons. The furca was 
afterwards employed in a very different manner; 



266 NOTES. 

and, from a badge of disgrace, was changed to a 
serviceable implement. Caius Marius, nearly a 
hundred years after Terence composed this play, 
introduced the use of the furca among his soldiers. 
It was employed to carry baggage and other requi- 
sites ; and, in use, somewhat resembled a modern 
porter's knot, hence, the word furculum or fere u- 
luniy became an expression to signify a burden, or 
any thing carried in the hand : and sometimes, 
also, the various courses brought to table, as in 
Horace, 

ic Multaque de magDa suiperessentfercula ccena, 
Quae procul extructis inerant hestema canistris ?" 

B.II. Sat. 6. 



NOTE 157. 

Ah ! how foolishly have I relied on you, who, out of 
a perfect calm, have raised this storm. 

Hem quo fretu siem 
Qui me hodie ex tranquillissima re conjecisti in 
nuptias. 

" My father reads this passage thus, en quofretus 
stun, that is, the rascal on whom I relied," &c. 

Madame Dacier. 

If an error has been insinuated into the text in 
this passage, it can scarcely be of sufficient im- 



NOTES. 267 

portance to render an alteration essential : the cor- 
rection suggested by Madame Dacier, is not so de- 
cidedly superior to the usual mode of reading the 
lines, as to compensate for the inconvenience which 
mast be occasioned by a general variation of the 
text. 



NOTE 158. 

Pam. — What do you deserve? 

This alludes to the Athenian custom of question- 
ing supposed criminals, either before sentence was 
passed, or while they were under the torture, to the 
following effect: What have you deserved? and, 
according to the tenor of the reply, they augmented 
or diminished the punishment: vide Nonni. MisceL, 
B. 2. It was also customary, at Athens, when the 
punishment was not fixed by the laws, but was left 
to the discretion of the judges, that the condemned 
person was required to state what injury he thought 
his adversary had suffered from him ; and the an- 
swer, when delivered upon oath, was called $4tyc#rw*; 
by which the final sentence was in some measure 
regulated. 



n 2 



268 NOTES. 



NOTE 159. 

Char, (alone.) Is this credible, or to be mentioned 
as a truth ? 

C( Hoccine credibile est, aut memorabile, 
Tanta vecordia innata cuiquam ut siet, 
Ut malis gaudeat alienis, atque ex incomrnodis 
Alterius, sua ut comparet commoda ? ah ! 
Idne est verum ? Imo id genus est hominum pessimuni 
In denegando modo queis pndor est paululum : 
Post ubi jam tempus est promissa perfici, 
Turn coacti uecessario se aperiunt et timent, 
Et tamen res cogit eos denegare. Ibi 
Turn impudentissima eoruni oratio est : 
Quis tu es ? quis milri es? cur meam tibi ? heus; 
Proximus sum egomet mihi." 

Terence, in the composition of these lines, has 
admirably succeeded in expressing the sense by the 
sounds and measure of his verse, and the very lines 
seem as angry (if I may be allowed to use such an 
expression) as Charinus, who is to speak them, is 
supposed to be. The whole speech is written with 
a great deal of fire and spirit ; and represents, in a 
very lively manner, the impatient bursts of indig- 
nation, and the broken periods which issue from the 
mouth of an enraged and disappointed person, 
during the first transports of his anger. The an- 
cients particularly studied this poetical beauty ; 
and many of them have reached a degree of excel- 



NOTES. 269 

lence scarcely inferior to that .of the modems. 
Terence has as eminently distinguished himself by 
his success in this ornament to composition as he 
has by his other excellencies: as familiar verse, 
his compositions are extremely harmonious. 

Mr. Pope has described the poetical embellish- 
ment before mentioned in a most inimitable poem, 
which at once explains and exemplifies his meaning. 

" 'Tis not enough no harshness gives offence, 
The sound must seem an echo to the sense : 
Soft is the strain when zephyr gently blows, 
And the smooth stream in smoother numbers flows ; 
But when loud surges lash the sounding shore, 
The hoarse, rough verse should like the torrent roar : 
When Ajax strives some rock's vast weight to throw, 
The line too labours, and the words move slow ; 
Not so, when swift Camilla scours the plain, 
Flies o'er th' unbending corn, and skims along the 
main.'' 

Virgil was particularly successful in his endea- 
vours to impart this ornament to his composition. 
The following lines are reckoned by the critics to be 
a beautiful specimen of his ability in this species of 
verse. 

11 Ter sunt conati imponere Pelio Ossam 

Scilicet, atque Ossae frondosum involvere Olympum." 

Georg., B. I. V. 281. 

Sternitur exanimisque tremens procumbit humi bos. 

yEneis, B. 5. 

N 3 



270 NOTES. 



NOTE 160. 

Those men have characters of the very worst de- 
scription, who make a scruple to deny a favour ; 
and are ashamed, or unwilling to give a downright 
refusal at first ; but who, when the time am 

This is one of those beautiful passages which 
prove Terence to have been so able a delineator of 
character. How faithful a picture does he here 
draw of this particular species of weakness ! A 
man is asked a favour which he knows it is out of 
his power to compass, and yet feels a repugnance 
to candidly avow it : he cannot bear to witness the 
uneasiness of the disappointed person, and, from a 
kind of false shame, he misleads him with a pro- 
mise which he cannot perform. To detect those 
lurking impulses which almost escape observation, 
though they influence the actions : to describe with 
force and elegance, and convince the mind of a 
feeling of which it was before scarcely conscious, is 
an effort of genius worthy of a Terence. 



NOTES. 271 



NOTE J61. 

If any one tell me, that no advantage will result 
from it : I answer this, that I shall poison his 
joy : and even that will yield me some satisfac- 
tion, 

Ingeram mala multa : atque aliquis dicat ; Nihil 

promoveris. 
Multum ; molestus certe ei fuero, atque animo mo- 

rem gessero. 

This sentiment has been imitated by the first of 
dramatists in his Othello : he has expanded it into 
a greater number of lines, which are extremely beau- 
tiful. 

lago. Call up her father, 

Rouse him, make after him, poison his delight. 

Proclaim him iu the streets, incense her kinsmen. 

And tho' he in a fertile climate dwell, 

Plague him with flies: tho' that his joy be joy, 

Yet throw such changes of vexation on't, 

As it may lose some colour. — 

Shakspeare's Othello, A. l. S. 1. 

The soliloquy of Charinus, (of which the lines 
I have cited in the commencement of this Note form 
a part,) is one of the best written in the plays of 
our author : it is exactly of the kind recommended 
by the Duke of Buckingham. 
V 4 



272 N0TE3. 

" Soliloquies had need be very few, 

Extremely short, and spoke in passion too. 
Our lovers, talking to themselves, for want 
Of others, make the pit their confidant : 
Nor is the matter mended yet, if thus 
They trust a friend only to tell it us." 

A soliloquy is introduced with most success, when 
the speaker of it is supposed to be deliberating 
with himself on doubtful subjects : but, when nar- 
ration is to be introduced, it is brought forward 
with more advantage in the shape of a dialogue 
between the speaker and his confidant. But a 
skilful dramatist can often employ a preferable me- 
thod to either of those I have just named, for the 
disposition of narration. Papias lays it down as an 
absolute rule for the composition of soliloquies, 
that they must be deliberations only. 



NOTE 162. 

Well, take her. 

Sir R. Steele, in his play, called the Co?iscious 
Lovers, does not represent Myrtle as comporting 
himself in his disappointment with the moderation 
observed by Charinus. He challenges Bevil : 
though the duel is afterwards prevented by the 
patience and forbearance of the latter, who com- 
municates to his angry friend a letter which he had 



NOTES. 273 

received from Lucinda, expressive of her favour- 
able thoughts of Myrtle. The ingenious author of 
the Conscious Lovers imagined, no doubt, that to 
an English audience, Charinus's easy resignation of 
his mistress to Pamphilus would appear tame and 
unnatural. In nothing do the manners of the 
ancients and the moderns differ more widely than 
in their respective behaviour in cases of private 
injury, real or imagined. Among the ancient 
Greeks and Romans, duelling was totally unknown. 
Alexander and Pyrrhus, Themistocles, Leonidas, 
and Epaminondas, the Scipios and Hannibal, 
Caesar and Pompey, all men whose fame will never 
be surpassed, and a countless number of the heroes 
of antiquity, would have scorned to draw their 
swords in a private quarrel. It was reserved for 
Christians, to introduce and countenance this bar- 
barous practice ; which ought to be the shame of 
civilized humanity. Barbarous, however, it can 
scarcely with justice be called : for those nations 
whose unpolished manners caused them to be 
termed barbarians, were never known to have 
adopted it ; nor has a single instance occurred, 
where men, in a state of uncultivated nature, have 
been known to sacrifice a brother's life in the mor- 
tal arbitration of a private quarrel. Duelling was 
originally practised among northern nations. Those 
who wish to entertain just ideas on this subject 
cannot do better than to consult A Discourse on 
w 5 



274 notes. 

Duelling, by the Rev. Thomas Jones, A.M., Trraity 
College, Cambridge. 



NOTE 163. 

Pam. — Why do you vex me thus ? 

Cur me enicas. 

Eneco and enico are thought by some critics to 
have been exactly similar in signification ; but 
eneco generally means to kill, as in Plautus ungues 
enecavit : whereas enico signifies only to teaze, or to 
torment; as in the passage in Terence before 
mentioned. Vide Horace Ep., B.I. Ep. 7. L. 87. 



NOTE 164. 
Davus. — Hist ! Glycerols door opens. 
Hem! ! st, mane, crepuit a Glycerio ostium. 

Literally, a noise is made on the inside of Gly- 
cera's door. As all the street-doors in Athens 
opened towards the street, it was customary to 
knock loudly on the inside, before the door was 
thrown open, lest, by a sudden and violent swing, 
the heavy barrier should injure any of the passen- 
gers. The Greeks called this ceremony ipoQzh 
Qvp&f. All the doors of the Romans opened in- 
wards, unless (which rarely happened) a law was 



NOTES. 275 

passed to allow any particular person to open his 
door towards the street. This was considered a 
very great honour, and never conferred but as a 
reward for very eminent services. 

In Sparta, a law prevailed that no instrument but 
a kind of saw T should be employed in making the 
doors of the houses; this regulation was intended 
to prevent luxury, and wasteful expense. Both in 
Athens and Rome, the first room within the door 
was made extremely large, and highly ornamented. 
This room was called aula by the Romans, and, by 
the Greeks &ift% Here were placed the trophies 
gained by the master of the house, and by his fa- 
mily. In later and more luxurious ages, the doors 
were made of more costly materials, sometimes 
they formed them of metal, either iron or brass : 
sometimes also ivory was used for this purpose, or 
scarce and curious kinds of wood. 



NOTE 165. 

My sis, (speaking to Glycer a within.) I will directly , 
Madam ; wherever he may be, I '11 take care to 
find your dear Pamphilus, and bring him to you : 
only, my love, let me beg you not to make yourself 
so wretched* 

Sir R. Steele and Monsieur Baron have brought 
n 6 



276 NOTES. 

both Glycera and Philumena on the stage ; but, in 
the Latin drama, the principal female characters 
(if they appear at all) are generally mutes. It is a 
circumstance worthy of our attention, that (except 
in one instance) Terence never brings on the stage 
any female character of rank and consideration : 
the women who take a part in the dialogue are gene- 
rally either attendants, or professional people, as 
nurses, midwives, SfC. But this exclusion, (though 
our author has been compelled to sacrifice to it ail 
those embellishments which the portraiture of the 
Athenian ladies must have added to his scenes,) 
is in strict conformity with the manners of the 
Greeks. Grecian women of rank seldom appeared 
in company, and closely confined themselves 
within doors, occupying the most remote parts ot 
the house. Unmarried women were scarcely al- 
lowed to quit the rooms they inhabited, without 
giving previous notice to their protectors. Terence 
was instructed clearly in this point, by his great ori- 
ginal Menander ; who expressly says, that the door 
of the avX»j, or hall, was a place where even a mar- 
ried woman ought never to be seen. Women, 
among the Greeks, seldom inhabited the same 
apartment with the men : their rooms were always 
kept as retired as possible, usually in the loftiest 
part of the house. Vide Horn. II., y v. 423; their 
apartments were called Gynaeceum, (ywxMuoi). 



NOTES. 277 

Vide Terence's Phormio, Act 5. S. 6, where he 

says. 

M Ubi in Gynceceum ire occipio, puer ad me accurrit Mida." 

These rooms were sometimes called «<*, which 
s ignifies also eggs; it is supposed that the fable of 
Castor, Pollux, Helen, and Clytemnestra, being 
hatched from eggs, took its rise from the double 
signification of the word ux. 



NOTE 166. 

Pom. — The oracles of Apollo are not more true: 
I wish that, if possible, my father may not think 
that I threw any impediments in the iv ay of the 
marriage: if not, I icill do what will be easily 
done, tell him frankly that I cannot marry Chremes 
daughter. 

Among the Greeks, no oracles were either so 
numerous or so highly esteemed as those of 
Apollo. The first place among them is assigned to 
the oracle at Delphi, near mount Parnassus, which 
excelled the others in magnificence, and claimed 
the precedence in point of antiquity. Next to this, 
ranks the oracle in the island of Delos, the birth- 
place of Apollo and Diana. It is situated in the 
north part of Mare iEgeum, or Archipelago, not 
far from the Isle of Andros, and between Myconus 



278 NOTES. 

and Rhene. The Athenians reverenced this oracle 
above all others, and its answers were held to be 
infallible. Theseus, the most celebrated of the 
Athenian heroes, instituted a solemn procession to 
Delos, in honour of Apollo. A certain number of 
Athenian citizens were chosen, who were called 
&60po*j who made the voyage in a sacred ship ; the 
same in which Theseus and his companions were 
said to have sailed to Crete. This ship was deno- 
minated caityovTci, on account of its great age : it 
was preserved till the time of Demetrius Phalereus. 
No criminal was ever put to death during the ab- 
sence of the sacred ship. 



NOTE 167. 

Char, (to Pamphilus.) But you are constant and 
courageous. 

P. Quis videor? C. Miser oeque atque ego, D. Con- 
silium qusero. C. Fortis. 

Critics have differed considerably respecting this 
passage. Some think the word fortis should be un- 
derstood as addressed to Davus. 

I have adopted the interpretation which M. le 
Fevrej Madame Dacier's father, has given of this 
passage. Pamphilus, after expressing his resolu- 
tion to remain faithful to Glycera, turns to Chari- 



notes. k 279 

nus, expecting a compliment on his behaviour. 
After a jest on his friend's having reduced himself 
to such a forlorn situation, by following the advice 
of Davus, Charinus, by the word fortis, pays him 
the compliment his handsome conduct deserved. 



NOTE 168. 

Pam. (to Davus.) I know what you would attempt. 

Pamphilus, in this speech, alludes to his jest 
upon Davus in the previous scene, where he says, 
" I have no doubt, that if that wise head of yours 
goes to work," §-c, vide p. 67, 1. 8, Pamphilus 
means, I imagine, when he says, " I know what 
you would attempt," I suppose you are going to 
provide the two wives I was speaking of. He 
could not mean that he really knew Davus's plan : 
because he asks him afterwards, page 70, line 10, 
what he intended to do. 



NOTE 169. 
Pam. — What are you going to do ? tell me. 

The Davus of M. Baron, instead of laying the 
child at Simo's door, makes a false report to Mysis, 
that Pamphilus intends to desert Glycera, and to 



280 NOTES* 

espouse Philumena: Mysis communicates this to 
her mistress, who, in her distress, throws herself 
at Chremes' feet, and shews him the contract of her 
marriage with Pamphilus. This induces Chremes 
to favour Glycera, and to break off -the intended 
marriage. 






NOTE 170. 

Hitherto, he has been to her a source of more evil 
than good. 

" As I never was able to make any sense of facile 
hie plus est quam illic boni, I choose to give the 
passage a turn, though contrary to all the readings 
which I have seen, which makes that proper, with 
the omission of one word, which was not before 
intelligible. The usual construction of the words, 
as they stand in all editions, is this, — there is more 
ill in his sorrow, or trouble, (some read dolorem, 
some laborem,) than there is good in his love : 
see, particularly, Camus's edition for the use of the 
Dauphin, which is not only a poor meaning, and 
unworthy Terence, but inconsistent with what 
Mysis had said before in the preceding scenes : 
I therefore choose to be singular and intelligible, 
rather than to go with all the editors and transla- 
tors of our poet, and be obscure." — Cooke. 



NOTES. 281 



NOTE 171. 



Davus.— Take the child from me directly, and lay 
him down at our door, 

Accipe a me hunc ocius, 
Atque ante nostram januam appone. 

Some commentators read vestram januam, ap- 
pone, lay him down before your door. But Davus 
tells Simo, A. III. S. II., (page 51, line 13,) that 
Glycera intends to have a child laid at his door. 
It could have answered no purpose, moreover, 
to have placed Glycera' s child at her own door. 
We must rather suppose that Davus wished Simo 
to think that Glycera had sent the infant to Pam- 
philus as its father. Vide Note 174. 



NOTE 172. 

Davus. — You may take some of the herbs from that 
altar, and strew them under him. 

" Altar, Altare, Ara, a place or pile whereon to 
offer sacrifice to some deity. Among the Romans, 
the altar was a kind of pedestal, either square, 
round, or triangular ; adorned with sculpture, with 
basso-relievos, and inscriptions, whereon were 
burnt the victims sacrificed to idols. According to 
Servius, those altars set apart for the honour of the 



282 xotes. 

celestial gods, and gods of the higher class, were 
placed on some pretty tall pile of building ; and, 
for that reason, were called altaria, from the word 
alta and ara, a high elevated altar. Those ap- 
pointed for the terrestrial gods, were laid on the 
surface of the earth, and called arce. And, on the 
contrary, they dug into the earth, and opened a 
pit for those of the infernal gods which were called 
goO^i ^axKGi, scrobicirfi. But. this distinction is not 
every-where observed: the best authors frequently 
use ara as a general word, under which are in- 
cluded the altars of the celestial and infernal, 
as well as those of the terrestrial gods. Witness 
Virgil, Eel. 5. 

En quatuor aras, 

where arce plainly includes altaria; for what- 
ever we make of Daphnis, Phoebus was certainly a 
celestial god. So Cicero, pro Quint. Aras delu- 
braque Hecates in Grcecia vidimus. The Greeks, 
also, distinguish two sorts of altars; that whereon 
they sacrificed to the gods was called Ba^oq, and 
was a real altar, different from the other, whereon 
they sacrificed to the heroes, which was smaller, 
and called Ec-p^a. Pollux makes this distinction 
of altars in his Onomasticon : he adds, however, 
that some poets used the word io-x^ol, for the 
altar whereon sacrifice was offered to the gods. 
The Septuagint version does sometimes also use 
the word B#p#xp«, for a sort of little low altar. 



NOTES. 283 

which may be expressed in Latin by craticida, 
being a hearth, rather than an altar? — Chambers' 
Cyclopaedia. 

Scaliger thinks that the altar mentioned by Te- 
rence was the altar usually placed on the stage of a 
theatre during representation, and consecrated to 
Bacchus in tragedy, and to Apollo in comedy. It 
is most probable, that one of the layjx,^ is alluded 
to by our author in this passage. The \ax^u^ 
were low altars which stood before the doors in 
Athens : they were dedicated to the ancient heroes. 



NOTE 173. 

Davus. — That if my master should require me to 
swear that I did not do it, I may take the oath 
with a safe conscience. 

The Greeks paid very great regard to oaths. 
They divided them into two classes. The first kind 
was the peyaq opxos, or great oath, when the swearer 
called the gods to witness his truth ; the second 
was the ^i^lq opnoq, when the swearer called on 
other creatures. They usually, when falsely ac- 
cused of any crime, took an oath to clear them- 
selves. This oath was sometimes administered in a 
very singular manner : the oath of exculpation was 
written on a tablet, and hung round the neck, and 
rested on the breast of the accused, who was then 



284 STOTES. 

compelled to wade into the sea about knee-deep : 
if the oath was true, the water remained stationary ; 
but, if false, it instantly rose up, and covered the 
tablet, that so dreadful a sight as a false oath 
might be concealed from the view of mankind. 
The Athenians were proverbial for their sincere 
regard for truth. Vide Velleius Paterculus, B. 1. 
C. 4.. also, in B. 2. C. 23 : we are told 

" Adeo enim certa Atheniensum in Roinanos 
fides, fuit, ut semper et in omni re, quicquid sin- 
cera fide generetur, id Romani Attica fieri, prge- 
dicarent." — Marcus Velleius Paterculus, B* 
2. C. 23, L. 18. 

The Athenians behaved with so much good faith 
and inviolable honour in all their treaties with the 
Romans, that it became a custom at Rome, when 
a person was affirmed to be just and honourable, to 
say, he is as faithful as an Athenian. 



NOTE 174. 

Davus. (to himself.) The father of the bride is 

coming this way ; I abandon my first design. 
My sis. — / dont understand this. 

Davus's first design was (we are to suppose) to 
go to Simo as soon as Mysis had placed the child 
at the door, and acquaint him that Glycera had 
sent him Pamphilus's child. This would have com- 



NOTES. 285 

petted Simo to suspend the marriage until he had 
ascertained the real nature of Glycera's claims on 
his son. Though Davus's speech is not usually 
read aside, we cannot suppose that Mysis heard 
hirn say, that Chremes, the bride's father, ap- 
proached, because, in the ninth scene of the same 
act, (vide p. 78, 1. preantepen,) he tells her, " that 
was the bride's father," and she replies, " you 
should have given me notice then." 



NOTE 175. 

Mysis, (aside to Davas.) — Are you mad to ask me 

such a question ? 
Davus. — Whom should I ask? I can see no one else 

here. 

This certainly seems a little over-acted on the 
part of Davus, considering that he knew Chremes 
to be so very near him. If we conclude that Davus 
acted his part with the proper gestures, and ac- 
companied the above words with the very natural 
action of looking round him, to see if any other 
person was visible near Simo's door ; it appears 
extremely improbable that he should not have seen 
Chremes, who was near enough to hear all that 
passed between Davus and Mysis. Davus intended 
tfiat what passed between Mysis and himself should 



286 NOTES. 

be overheard by Chremes, whom he knew to be but 
a very few yards distant. It seems extraordinary, 
therefore, that Davus should make use of an ex- 
pression which compelled him to run the risk of 
being obliged to recognise Chremes if he looked 
round, and, if he did not, of raising a suspicion in 
his mind, that Davus knew him to be there : either 
circumstance must effectually have spoiled the 
stratagem, to deter Chremes from the match. To 
solve this apparent inconsistency, we must suppose 
that Chremes, wishing, for obvious reasons, to 
overhear what passed between Mysis and Davus, 
had, at the entrance of the latter, withdrawn him- 
self behind a row of pillars, or into a portico, or 
cloister, (which were common in the streets of 
Athens, and were also built upon the Roman stage,) 
lest his presence, which Mysis knew of, as he had 
questioned her, should be a check upon their con- 
versation ; from which he, of course, expected to 
learn the truth respecting the child at Simo's door, 
as he knew that Mysis was the servant of Glycera, 
and Davus the servant of Pamphilus. 



NOTE 176. 

Mysis. — The deuce take you, fellow, for terrifying 
me in this manner. 

Dii te eradicent, ita me miseram territas. 






NOTES. 287 

Literally, May the gods root you up. An inge- 
nious French critic informs us, that the Romans 
borrowed this expression from the Greeks, who say, 
" to destroy a man to the very root :" and, that the 
Greeks borrowed it from the eastern nations. We 
have a similar expression in English, to destroy 
root and branch. 



NOTE 177. 

Chremes. (aside.) I acted wisely in avoiding the 
match. 

Recte ego fugio has nuptias. 

The general way of reading this line is as fol- 
lows : 

Recte ego semper fugi has nuptias. 

I acted wisely in always avoiding the match. 

This reading must be erroneous, because, so far 
from having always avoided the match, Chremes 
himself originally proposed it to Simo, (vide p. 15, 
1. 18 t> ) and afterwards renewed his consent to it, 
(Vide$.5S. 1. 24.) 






288 NOTES. 

NOTE 178. 

Daws. — 'Tis true, I saw old Canthara, with some- 
thing under her cloak. 

There is great ingenuity displayed in the con- 
duct of this scene. Davus affirms this, as Donatus 
observes, " Hoc dicit ut leviter redarguat Mysis, 
nonut vincatur," that Mysis may easily confute him ; 
and prove that it is the child of Pamphilus which 
must terrify Chremes. He contradicts her, that 
she may (in Chremes' hearing) enter into the proof 
of what she says. Instead of Cantharam, Nonnius 
thinks that Terence meant cantharum, a large 
jug ; and that he intended Davus to say, that the 
child was brought to Glycera's house in a large 
cantharus. Vide Nonnius's Miscell., B. 1, and 
his remarks on the whole of this scene. 



NOTE 179. 

Mysis. — Thank Heaven, that there icere so?ne free- 
w omen present when my mistress was delivered. 

No person could appear as a witness in the Athe- 
nian courts of justice, who was not free-born, and 
also possessed of a fair character. Those who 
were ari/xct, infamous, were not permitted to give 
testimony. In particular cases, strangers and 



notes. 289 

freedmen were admitted as witnesses. Every per- 
son who was appealed to as a witness, was com- 
pelled either to state what he knew of the affair, or 
to swear that he was ignorant of all the circum- 
stances of it : if he refused to give any answer 
whatever, he incurred a heavy fine. 



NOTE 179 B . 

My sis. — By Pollux, fellow, you are drunk. 

To accuse a person of intoxication was consi- 
dered in Athens and Sparta as one of the greatest 
affronts that could possibly be committed. Very 
severe laws were framed in Greece for the punish- 
ment of those who were seen in a state of intoxica- 
tion. The Athenian archons suffered death, if 
detected in this vice. The Greeks accused the 
Scythians of having taught them habits of drunken- 
ness. The Spartans affirm, that Cleomenes be- 
came first drunk, and afterwards mad, by his asso- 
ciating and drinking with them. 

Herodotus* 



290 NOTES. 



NOTE 180. 



■Davus. — One falsehood brings on another : / hear it 
whispered about that she is a citizen of Athens. 

The citizens of Athens were called yyyvvmsj Ol- 
sons of the earth, and ueroU They were called also 
rsTTtye^, or remyoCpopovg, wearers of grasshoppers; 
this appellation, authors have derived differently. 
Tretzes thinks it was to designate them as fluent 
orators. Lucian considers it merely as a distinc- 
tion to divide them from the slaves : and others 
say, it was because they thought that grasshoppers 
sprung from the earth; and therefore chose them 
for the symbol of a people who pretended to the 
same origin : vide Note 154. The Athenians were 
called also noxirou. The citizens were divided by 
Cecrops into four tribes, (vide Poll., B. 3. 64,) 
each tribe was divided into three classes, and each 
class into thirty families. The names of the tribes 

were, 1, KexpowK, 2. 'Avroyfim, 3. 'AnTciiX, 4. 

napa^ci. These names were afterwards changed 
by Cranaus, (vide Plut. in Solon,) and also by 
Ericthonius and Erectheus. When the number of 
the inhabitants increased, new tribes were added. 
To obtain the Athenian citizenship was deemed so 
glorious, that foreigners of the very first rank ea- 
gerly sought this distinction ; which it was ex- 
tremely difficult to gain ; as the Athenians would 



NOTES. 291 

never "admit any persons but those who had sig- 
nalized themselves by their virtue and bravery. 



NOTE 181. 
Davus. — And that he will be compelled to marry her. 

The Athenian laws did not allow of polygamy : 
if Glycera, therefore, had been proved to be a citi- 
zen, her marriage with Pamphilus would have been 
valid ; and Philumena, if married to him, must have 
been divorced. We are to suppose, that the appre- 
hension of this circumstance induces Chremes to 
break off the marriage. 



NOTE 182. 

Davus. (half aloud.) — He has heard all: what an 
accident. 

Audistin' obsecro ? 



These words are usually read as addressed di- 
rectly to Chremes ; but it appears more probable 
that Terence intended Davus to speak them as if 
he meant no one to hear what he said, and yet 
contrive to raise his voice loud enough for Chremes 
to overhear him pretend to be alarmed, lest what 
Mysis had been saying should do any mischief, 
o 2 



292 NOTES. 

This feigned consternation was calculated to 
strengthen Chremes , belief of the genuineness of the 
previous scene. 



NOTE 183. 

This impudent wench ought to be taken hence and 
punished. 

Hanc jam oportet in cruciatum abripi. 

The usual reading is cruciatum hinc abripi ; but 
hinc cannot be necessary to the sense, and spoils 
moreover the harmony of the line. Neither of the 
two ancient manuscripts of Terence, in the royal 
library at Paris, have hinc. There are a great 
many disputed readings in the plays of Terence, 
which, by a reference to the various ancient MSS. 
of our author now extant, might probably be deter- 
mined. An edition of the plays, regulated by the 
authority of these MSS., would doubtless be 
highly serviceable. The most learned woman of 
her age, Madame Dacier, whose translation of Te- 
rence is alone sufficient to perpetuate his name and 
her own, in her preface to that inestimable work, 
speaks at length, and in very high terms, of the 
MSS. of Terence, in the library of his most Chris- 
tian Majesty. She expresses herself as follows : 
u I found in them (the MSS.) several things which 



NOTES. 



293 



gave me the greatest pleasure, and which satisfac- 
torily prove the correctness of the most important 
alterations which I have made in the text, as to the 
division of the acts, which is of great consequence." 
Madame D. reckons the MSS. to be eight or nine 
hundred years old. Vide Madame Daciers Trans- 
lation of Terence, Edition of Rotterdam, 1717, 
Preface, page 38. Among the books which his 
holiness Pope Sixtus V. caused to be removed to 
the Bibliotheca Vaticana, which he placed in the 
old Vatican palace, or the Palazzo Vecchio, there 
was a very curious MS. of the comedies of Terence, 
which was particularly valued for the representation 
which it contained of the personce, or masks, worn 
by the ancient actors. It wa.» <tl»u extremely curi- 
ous in other respects. Those who enjoy an oppor- 
tunity of consulting this MS. might derive much 
and very profitable amusement from a perusal of it. 
If it still remain in Rome, it may be seen, on ap- 
plication to the chief librarian, who is generally a 
member of the sacred college. A very curious MS. 
of Virgil, of the fourth century, written in the 
Liter -ce unciales, and Henry VIII. 's MS. de Sep tern 
Sacramentis, were formerly shewn to strangers with 
the before-mentioned MS. of Terence. 



o 3 



294 



NOTES. 



NOTE 184. 



Davas. — That's the brides father: I wished hbn to 
know all this; and there was no other way to ac- 
quaint him icith it, 

Terence here (say the critics) obliquely praises 
himself, and the art which he has displayed in this 
scene. The only scenes of a similar nature, (I mean 
where the plot is carried on by a concerted conver- 
sation intended to be overheard by some person who 
thinks it genuine,) which are equal to this scene in 
the Andrian, are the ninth scene of the second act, 
and the first scene of the third act of Shakspeare's 
comedy of Much Ado about Nothing, 

The before-mentioned scene from the Andrian 
has been wholly omitted by Sir R. Steele. Sealand 
does not renew his consent to the marriage till the 
end of the fifth act. 

M. Baron has introduced Crito earlier than he 
appears in the Latin play, and closes the fourth 
act with Glycera's appeal to Chremes; and two 
subsequent scenes between Glycera, Mysis, Pam- 
philus, and Davus. Glycera's appeal to Chremes 
is extremely pathetic. It concludes with the fol- 
lowing lines : — 

11 Vousen qui je crois voir an protecteur, un p£re 
Ne m'abandonnez pas a toute ma misere 



NOTES. 295 

En m'6tant mon epoux, vous me donnez la mort. 
Vous pouvez d'un seul mot faire changer mon sort. 
C'est done entre vos mains qu'aujourdhui je confie 
Mon repos, mon honneur, ma fortune, et ma vie." 

Jndrienne, A. IV. S. VIII. 



NOTE 185. 

Davus. — Do you think that a thing of this sort can 
be done as well by premeditating and studying, as 
by acting according to the natural impulse of the 
moment? 

" It is an observation of Voltaire's, in the Pre- 
face to his comedy of L'Enfant Prodigue, that al- 
though there are various kinds of pleasantry that 
excite mirth, yet universal bursts of laughter are 
seldom produced, unless by a scene of mistake or 
cequivoque. A thousand instances might be given 
to prove the truth of this judicious observation. 
There is scarce any writer of comedy who has not 
drawn from this source of humour. A scene, 
founded on a misunderstanding between the par- 
ties, where the characters are all at cross-purposes 
with each other, never fails to set the audience in a 
roar ; nor, indeed, can there be a happier incident 
in a comedy, if produced naturally, and managed 
judiciously. 

The scenes in this act, occasioned by the artifice 
o 4 



296 NOTES. 

of Davus concerning the child, do not fall directly 
under the observation of Voltaire ; but are, how- 
ever, so much of the same colour, that, if repre* 
sented on the stage, they would, I doubt not, have 
the like effect, and be the best means of confuting 
those infidel critics who maintain that Terence has 
no humour. I do not remember a scene in any 
comedy where there is such a natural complication 
of pleasant circumstances. Davus's sudden change 
of his intentions on seeing Chremes, without having 
time to explain himself to Mysis ; her confusion and 
comical distress, together with the genuine simpli- 
city of her answers ; and the conclusion drawn by 
Chremes from the supposed quarrel ; are all finely 
imagined, and directly calculated for the purposes 
of exciting the highest mirth in the spectators. 
The words of Davus to Mysis in this speech, u Is 
there then," §*c, have the air of an oblique praise of 
this scene from the poet himself, shewing with what 
art it is introduced, and how naturally it is sus- 
tained. Sir Richard Steele had deviated so much 
from Terence in the original construction of his 
fable, that he had no opportunity of working this 
scene into it. Baron, who, I suppose, was afraid 
to hazard it on the French theatre, fills up the 
chasm by bringing Glycerium on the stage. She, 
amused by Davus with a forged tale of the falsehood 
of Pamphilus, throws herself at the feet of Chremes, 
and prevails on him once more to break off the in- 



NOTES. 297 

tended match with Philumena. In consequence of 
this alteration, the most lively part of the comedy 
in Terence becomes the gravest in Baron : the arti- 
fice of Davus is carried on with the most starch 
formality, and the whole incident, as conducted in 
the French imitation, loses all that air of ease and 
pleasantry, which it wears in the original." — 

COLMAN. 



NOTE 186. 
A. IV. S. 10.— Crito. (to himself.) lam told, &c. 

Crito is what Scaliger calls a catastatic charac- 
ter, because he is the chief personage of the eatas- 
tasis, (KxruarauK;,) vide Note 144, and introduced 
for the purpose of leading the way to the catastro- 
phe of the piece. 



NOTE 187. 

Rather than live in honest poverty in her own coun- 
try. 

Quse se inhoneste optavit parare hlc divitias 
Potius, quam in patria honest^ pauper vivere 

Some editors (vide Joan. Riveus) read this pas- 
sage differently, 

o 5 



298 ^otes. 

Quee se inhoneste optavit parere hie divitias 
Potius, quam in patria honeste paupera vivere. 

Others, instead of Quse se read Quse sese : this is 
a very elegant pleonasm. 



NOTE 188. 
That wealth, however, now devolves to me. 

The inhabitants of the island of Andros were sub- 
ject to the Athenian laws, which prohibited women 
from bequeathing by will more than the value of a 
medimnum (jAsh^vov) of barley. The medimnum 
was equal to four English pecks and a half. There- 
fore, as Chrysis had not the power of bequeathing 
her property, Crito claimed it as heir at law. The 
Athenian laws relating to wills were very numerous, 
and very strict in guarding against an improper ap- 
propriation of property. Slaves, foreigners, minors, 
and adopted persons, as well as those who had 
male heirs, were, by the laws of Solon, rendered 
incapable of making a will. 

Those persons who had no offspring of their own, 
frequently adopted the children of others, who in- 
herited their estates. Sometimes foreigners were 
adopted, after having received the freedom of the 
city. A person who succeeded to the property of 
another, as heir at law, was bound, under a heavy 



notes. 299 

penally, to take care, (if on the spot,) that funeral 
honours were paid to the deceased. This was rec- 
koned a point of great importance: the Greeks 
were willing to proceed to any extremity rather than 
suffer their friends to want the rites of sepulture, 
as we see in Lucretius, who describes the outrageous 
actions to which the people were driven during a 
plague ; when they committed acts of the greatest 
violence, rather than permit their friends to want 
funeral honours. 

u Multaque vis subita, et paupertas horrida suasit ; 
Namque suos consanguineos aliena rogorum, 
Insuper instructa ingenti clamore locabant : 
Subdebantque faces, multo cum sanguine saepe 
Rixantes, potius quam corpora deserentur." 

Lucretius. 

Compelled by poverty to desperate deeds, 
Their rage another's funeral pile invades : 
With furious shouts they rend his corse away, 
Then to the pile their own dead friends convey, 
They guard the spot, until the rising flames ^ 

Consume the load the lofty pile sustains, 
And fight, and bleed, and die, ere quit their loved 
remains. 



j 



o 6 



300 



NOTES. 



NOTE 189. 

Mi/sis. — Bless me! whom do I see? Is not this Crito, 

the kinsman of Chrysis ? It is. 

Quern video ? estne hie Crito, sobrinus Chrysidis. 

Sobrinus means literally a mother's sister's child, 
or what we call in English, a maternal cousin- 
german : but this particularity is not admissible in 
a translation. 



NOTE 190. 

Crito. — Alas ! poor Chrysis is then gone. 

Here is an additional instance of Terence's infi- 
nite attention to manners, and of his success in 
presenting to his readers a perfect copy of the cus- 
toms and habits of the Greeks. Crito, though he 
alludes to the death of Chrysis, avoids any mention 
of death ; and breaks off in a manner which is in- 
finitely more expressive than words could have been. 
Some of the ancients, the Greeks in particular, 
studiously avoided, as much as possible, any 
direct mention of death, which they accounted to 
be ominous of evil ; and always spoke of human 
mortality, (when compelled to mention it,) in soft 
and gentle expressions. They were even averse to 
write §*>aroc, death, at full length ; and not un- 



NOTES. 301 

frequently expressed it by the first letter 9 ; thus, 
if they wished to write down the circumstance of 
any person's decease, they wrote the name of the 
deceased, and affixed to it the letter 9, vide Note 
113, also Isidor. Hispal. Orig. B. 1. C. 23. In 
breviculis, quibus militum nomina continebantur, 
propria nota erat apud veteres, quae respiceretur, 
quanti ex militibus superessent, quanti in bello ex- 
cidissent, t in capite versiculi posita superstitem 
designabat, 9 vero ad unius cujusque defuncti 
nomen adponebatur. 



NOTE 191. 

And the example of others will teach me what ease, 
redress, and profit, I have to expect from a suit 
at law : besides, I suppose by this time, she has 
some lover to espouse her cause. 

Madame Dacier, in a brilliant and acute critique, 
has explained this passage in a most perspicuous 
and comprehensive manner. 

Nunc me hospitem 



Lites sequi, quam hie mihi sit facile atque utile, 
Aliorum exempla commonent. 

" Presentement qu'un etranger comrae moi aille 
entreprendre des proces, les exemples des autres 



302 NOTES. 

me font voir combien cela serait difficile dans une 
ville comme celle-ci." 

I have found, in a copy of Terence's plays, a 
marginal note, in my father's hand-writing, to the 
following effect: Hunc locum non satis potest intel- 
ligere qui librum Xenophontis Trep* *A$wa,\vv ifq)uti\ol$ 
non legerit. He who has not read the short treatise 
of Xenophon on the civil government of the Athe- 
nians, can never perfectly comprehend the full 
force of this passage. I profited by this informa- 
tion : I have read this short treatise, and have 
been extremely pleased with it : the trouble the 
perusal cost me has been amply repaid, as I have 
ascertained by reading this treatise, that the inha- 
bitants of those cities and islands which were sub- 
ject to the Athenian government were obliged, when 
they had a suit at law pending, to plead it in 
Athens, before the people : it could be decided no 
where else. Crito, therefore, could not have ex- 
pected impartial judgment from that tribunal, which 
would certainly have favoured Glycera, the reputed 
sister of Chrysis, who had settled in Athens, in 
preference to a stranger like Crito. So much for 
the success of the affair : next the delays are to be 
considered, which, to a stranger, are so doubly 
annoying. For law-suits at Athens were pro- 
tracted to an almost endless length : the Athenians 
were such a very litigious people, and had so many 
law-suits of their own, and celebrated so many fes- 



NOTES. 303 

tivals, that they had very few days to spare, and 
the suits of strangers were so lengthened out, and 
deferred from time to time, that they were almost 
endless. In addition, moreover, to the uncer- 
tainty, and the delay, there was a third inconveni- 
ence, still more disagreeable than either of the 
others, which was, that in a case of that kind, it 
became necessary to pay court to the people at a 
great expense. Crito, therefore, had sufficient 
reason to feel repugnant to engage in a process 
which might be so protracted and so expensive, 
the event of which (to say no worse) was extremely 
precarious. I hope I have rendered this passage 
perfectly clear." — Madame Dacier. 



NOTE 192. 

Chremes. — Cease your entreaties, Simo ; enough, 
and more than enough, have I already shewn my 
friendship towards you : enough have I risked 
for you. 

Monsieur Baron, in his Andrienne, has given a 
literal translation of this scene between Simo and 
Chremes, which, from its serious cast, appears, 
perhaps, with more dignity in a poetical dress, 
than it would have received from prose. A learned 
translator of Terence, who was also an ingenious 



304 NOTES. 

critic and a successful dramatist, speaks of Baron's 
play in the following terms : " Its extreme ele- 
gance, and great superiority to the prose translation 
of Dacier, is a strong proof of the superior excel- 
lence and propriety of a poetical translation of this 
author :" (Terence.) Colman's Notes on Terence's 
Plays, 

The celebrated writer, who made this remark, has 
himself employed verse throughout the whole of his 
translation of our author's plays: and, in the pre- 
face to that work, has delivered his opinion very 
strongly in favour of the composition of comedy in 
verse, even in the most comic scenes : and argues, 
that as Terence wrote in verse, a translation of his 
plays ought to be in verse also. 

I must observe that though the comedies of 
Terence certainly are not prose, yet they are a 
species of verse so nearly approaching to prose, 
that many eminent critics have denied that they 
were written with any regard to measure : they are, 
therefore, as well calculated, perhaps, as prose, 
for comic expression. But we have in English no 
measure at all similar to that used by Terence, nor 
have we, in my opinion, any measure of verse 
whatever, in which the most humorous passages 
in comedy can be so forcibly expressed as they 
may be in prose. The practice of modern drama- 
tists entirely favours this opinion. Our great 
Shakspeare, even in tragedy, changes from verse to 



NOTES. 305 

prose, when he introduces a comic scene, as we see 
in Hamlet, A. 5. S. 1, 4., Coriolanus, A. 2. S. L, 
Antony and Cleopatra, A. 2. S. 6, 7, Othello, 
A. 2. S. 11, A. 3. S. 1. Could the wit of Con- 
greve, Farquhar, Cibber, Sheridan, and many other 
eminent English dramatists (among whom I may 
number Mr. Colman himself,) have been measured 
out into verse without a diminution of the poignancy 
of its expression ? If the answer to this question be, 
as I think it must, in the negative, it must surely 
be decisive against the general introduction of verse 
into comedies ; a species of writing, in which the 
ridiculous, according to Aristotle, ought to claim 
a principal share. 



NOTE 193- 

A citizen of Athens. 

Athens, the most celebrated city of Greece, was 
the capital of that part of Achaia, which, lying to- 
wards the sea-shore, (axT^?,) was called Attica. It 
was called Athens after Minerva, (vide Note 94,) 
Cecropia after Cecrops, and Ionia after Ion. The 
circumference of this city, at the time of its greatest 
prosperity, is computed at twenty-three English 
miles. A much greater space was enclosed within 
the walls than was required by the usual inhabit- 
ants of the city, because, in time of war, the coun- 



306 NOTES. 

try people were compelled to take refuge within the 
walls. Aristophanes tells us, (in his Knights,) that 
these country people, in time of war, dwelt in huts, 
resembling bee-hives in shape, which were erected 
in the squares, and other open places. 

This accounts for the magnitude of the city, so 
disproportionate to the usual number of inhabitants 
in time of peace, when they did not amount to a 
hundred thousand persons. Athens was governed 
by kings for the space of 460 years : by magistrates, 
chosen for life, during about 300 years more : after 
that time, their rulers were allowed to hold their 
offices for ten years only ; and, at last, for no 
longer than one. The citadel, or upper city, which 
was called the 'AxpowoX*?* was ornamented with the 
most magnificent temples, monuments, and statues. 
It contained the temples of Minerva, Neptune, 
Aglauros, Venus, and Jupiter. Dicearchus tells 
us, that the enormous disproportion in the size of 
the temples which were magnificent, and of the 
houses which were low and small, considerably di- 
minished the beauty of the city. Athens was some- 
times called the academy of the Roman empire, and 
the fountain of learning : learned men, and philo- 
sophers of different countries, resorted to this cele- 
brated city in great numbers. The Romans scarcely 
considered a liberal education as completed, with- 
out the student received his final polish at Athens. 
(Vide Horace Sat., B. 2. S. 7. L. 13., Pliny, 7. 



NOTES. 307 

E. 56.) After a career of glory, which must render 
the name of Athens immortal, that city sunk be- 
neath the all-conquering power of the Romans, 
B. C. 85 ; and the Athenians never regained their 
importance in the scale of nations. 

Athens is now called Setines ; Dr. Chandler 
gives it the name of Athini. It contains 15,000 in- 
habitants, and is the see of a Greek archbishop. 



NOTE 194. 

There is a grave severity in his countenance ; and 
he speaks with boldness. 

Tristis severitas inest in voltu. 

Gravity, among the ancient philosophers, was re- 
commended as one of the greatest ornaments of 
old age. 

" Laetitia juvenem, frons decet tristis senem" 

Seneca. Hip., A. II. S. II. 

Graceful is gaiety in youth : in age 
Gravity most becomes us. 

Old men, among the Greeks, sometimes af- 
fected the manners and exercises of youth : a spe- 
cies of weakness which the literary men of their age 
reprobated with very poignant ridicule. Theo- 
phrastus admirably exposes people of this sort in 



308 



NOTES, 



his portraiture of those who begin to learn in old 
age. ( Vide Thcoph. Moral Characters.) 



NOTE 195. 
Simo. — Seize this rascal directly, and take him away. 
Sublimem hunc intr6 rape quantum potes. 

There is a sort of pun here upon the word sub- 
limem. Terence alludes to the prisons where slaves 
were confined, which, in Athens, were usually in 
the loftiest part of the house : so that Simo says, 
take him up, and also take him up to the top of 
the house : this is the force of the word sublimem in 
this passage. 

Slaves, in Greece, were treated with great in- 
dulgence, and never chained but for some heinous 
fault, or when they were brought into the slave- 
market, (vide Plautus s Captives, A. 1. S. 2,) and 
then they were only worn for a short time. As 
Simo here commands that Davus should be put 
into chains, we are to suppose him to be exaspe- 
rated to the utmost, which naturally leads ad finem 
epitaseos, to the end of the epitasis. The anger of 
Simo, the distress of Pamphilus and Glycera, the 
imprisonment of Davus, and the anxious suspense of 
Charinus, are what Scaliger (Poet, B. 1. C. 9.) calls 
the negotia exagitata, or the confused and dis- 



NOTES. 309 

turbed state of affairs, which the catastrophe is to 
reduce in tranquillitatem non expectatam, into a 
sudden and unexpected tranquillity. 



NOTE 196. 

Simo. — / 7Z not hear a single word, I '11 ruffle you 

now, rascal, I will. 
Davus. — For all that, what I say is true. 
Simo. — For all that, Dromo, take care to keep him 

bound. 

S. Nihil audio. 
Ego jam te commotum reddam. D. Tamen etsi 

hoc verum est. S. Tamen. 
Cura adservandum vinctum." 

The word commotum seems to have been imper- 
fectly understood by Donatus and some other com- 
mentators, who have interpreted it as signifying 
motion ; and would translate the line thus, " I '11 
make you caper ! I '11 make you dance to some 
tune, sirrah !" which is extremely foreign to its true 
meaning. Simo uses the phrase commotum reddam 
instead of commovebo, for the sake of a pun which 
Terence makes with the word reddam : which can- 
not be perfectly preserved in English. 

In the seventh scene of the second act, Davus 
jests upon the empty larder, and says, 



310 NOTES. 

Indeed, Sir, I think you are too frugal : it is not 
well timed. 

Simo is quite nettled at this severe joke, which 
leads him to think his stratagem discovered, and 
he cries out T)xce : hold your tongue; upon which, 
Davus, delighted with his success in tormenting 
his master, says to himself Commovi, I've ruffled 
him now. Simo accidentally overhears this, and 
most severely retorts on him his own expression, 
Ego jam te commotum reddam: / will ruffle you 

now, rascal; I will pay you back your ruffling. 

The wit of the sentence depends on the word red- 
dam ; which allows of a double construction, as 
reddo taken separately, signifies to pay back, to re- 
quite, and to retaliate. Simo may^ therefore, be 
understood to say, that he pays him back the ruf- 
fling he received. But, for this conceit, Simo 
would have said, Commovebo, which is Davus's 
own word : the sense would then have been clearer, 
though Terence has the same expression in another 
scene in this play, 

Quos me ludos redderet, 

where reddo has the same meaning with facio : 
which is frequently used by Plautus, as " ludos 
facere." 



NOTES. 311 



NOTE 197, 



Can he be so weak ? so totally regardless of the cus- 
toms and laws of his country? 

The Athenian laws prohibited a citizen from mar- 
rying with a woman who was not a citizen, vide 
Note 181. A law was passed by Pericles, that the 
children of a marriage in which both parties were 
not citizens, should be considered as voSoi, illegiti- 
mate. Pericles himself violated this law, when he 
had lost all his legitimate children. 

As this is one of the most lively and interesting, 
so it is also one of the most instructive scenes of 
this comedy. How noble are the sentiments ! How 
engaging the mutual affection of the father and son, 
which, in spite of their disagreement, is visible in 
all they say to each other. How amiable are the 
efforts of Chremes to soften the anger of the justly- 
offended Simo ! He forgets his own disappointment, 
and the slight his daughter Philumenahad received 
from Pamphilus, and endeavours to reconcile him 
to his father. It is impossible to read this beautiful 
scene, without being both affected and improved by 
the perusal of it. 



)12 NOTES, 



NOTE 198. 



Persons are suborned hither too, who say that she is 
a citizen of Athens. You have conquered. 

The subornation of false witness was punished in 
Athens with the greatest severity. Both the su- 
borner and the perjured were subject to the same 
punishment. Upon a third conviction, the offender 
was branded with infamy, and forfeited his estate. 
The Athenians, in general, were so celebrated for 
their love of truth, that the words an Attic witness 
were used proverbially to designate a witness, 
whose truth and honour were proof against cor- 
ruption. 



NOTE 199. 

If you insist on your marriage with Philumena, and 
compel me to subdue my love for Glycera, I will 
endeavour to comply. 

This speech is exceedingly artificial. Pamphilus, 
in the hearing of Chr ernes, the father of his intended 
wife, confesses his love for another ; and owns, 
that it must cost him a severe struggle to conquer 
his affection for her, and resolve to wed Philumena. 
The knowledge of this was sufficient to deter 
Chremes from giving his daughter to Pamphilus. 



NOTES, 313 



NOTE 200. 



/ implore only, that you will cease to accuse me of 
suborning hither this old man. Suffer me to bring 
him before you, that I may clear myself from this 
degrading suspicion. 

" Pamphilus had all the reason in the world to 
endeavour to bring Simo and Crito together, that so 
he might clear himself of such a scandal as his fa- 
ther very reasonably imputed to him. And this 
was all the young gentleman's design, but the poet 
had a far greater, which the audience could not so 
much as suspect : namely, the discovery of Gly- 
ceric, which comes in very naturally." — Echard. 



NOTE 201. 

Chremes. — Simo, if you kneiv this stranger as well as 
I do, you would think better of him ; he is a ivorthy 
man. 

M. Baron in this and the following scenes gives 
almost a literal translation from Terence : and the 
Andrienne concludes exactly in the same manner 
with the Latin play ; excepting the affranchisement 
of Davus, with which M. Baron makes Pamphilus 
reward his faithful services. 



314 NOTES. 

Iii the Conscious Lovers, Sir R. Steele changes 
Crito into Isabella, the aunt of Indiana, whose real 
birth is discovered by Sealand's making her a visit, 
to inquire into the nature of her connexion with 
young Bevil : the discovery is made by Sealand 
himself, who recognizes one of the ornaments worn 
by his daughter. He gives Indiana willingly to her 
preserver Bevil, jun., and Lucinda, who was in- 
tended to be the wife of Bevil, was, upon his mar- 
riage with her sister Indiana, given to Myrtle, the 
lover whom she herself had always favoured. 



NOTE 202. 
Simo. — A sycophant. 

The word sycophant was an epithet of peculiar 
opprobrium at Athens, and of very singular deriva- 
tion. In a season of great scarcity, a law was 
passed at Athens, prohibiting the exportation of 
figs ; and afterwards, through neglect, remained 
unrepealed. Hence, those malicious men who 
informed against those who transgressed it, were 
called o-vy.otpclvToa, and this appellation was after- 
wards always applied to false witnesses, and busy 
and malicious informers. 



NOTES. 315 



NOTE 203. 



Crito. — Chrysis father, who received him, was my 
relation, and, at his house, I've heard that ship- 
wrecked stranger say, that he was an Athenian : 
he died in Andros. 



-Turn is mihi cognatus fuit, 



Qui eum recepit : ibi ego audivi ex illo sese esse 

Attic urn; 
Is ibi mortuus est. 

The word recepit, in this sentence, alludes to the 
Roman customs respecting foreigners. Crito had 
just before used the term appli&at, he applied for 
assistance. When an exile or foreigner arrived at 
Rome, he was said applicare, to apply to some 
person to become his patron ; as every stranger at 
Rome was compelled to obtain the protection of one 
of the citizens, who succeeded to his effects at his 
death : jure applicationis. When a Roman citizen 
agreed to accept of a foreigner as his client, he was 
said recipere, to receive him. 



p 2 



316 X0TE5. 



NOTE 204. 

Crito. — At least I think it was Phania: one thing 
I am sure of he said he ic as from Rhamnas. 

Rhamnus was a small town in the north of Attica, 
and only a few miles to the north-west of Mara- 
thon. It seems to have been famous for little but a 
magnificent temple of Nemesis, and an exquisite 
statue of that goddess, sculptured by Phidias ; 
hence she was sometimes called Rhamnusia, thus 
by Ovid, 

Assensit precibus Rhamnusia justis. 

Metam., B. 3. L. 406. 

Rhamnusia heard the lover's just request. 

We must not understand Crito to mean, that 
Phania was a Rhamnusian, because we know that 
he and Chremes both resided in the city of Athens. 
Phania probably was prevented, by the confusion of 
the war, from obtaining a vessel at the Piraeus, or 
either of the Athenian ports ; and therefore returned 
to Rhamnus, and embarked for the opposite coast 
of Attica. Phania might, therefore, call himself 
Rhamnusius from Rhamnus, as being bound from 
Rhamnus to Smyrna, or any other Asian port. 
Some, instead of Rhamnus and Pvhamnusius, read 
Rhamus and Rhamusius. 



NOTES. 



NOTE 205. 



317 



Crito. — The very name. 
Ckremes. — You are right. 

Crito. — Ipsa est. Chr ernes. — Ea est. Terence 
has shewn his usual art in the arrangement of these 
two speeches. Upon hearing the true name, one 
would have expected that the father would have 
been the first to recognize it, but he prudently de- 
lays until Crito confirms the truth of his testimony 
by agreeing to the name of the long-lost Pasibula. 
This is finely imagined by the author, as Chremes 
might very well be supposed to suspect that this 
discovery was a trick of Davus', (who might have 
heard of the loss of this infant daughter,) and 
taken Crito for an accomplice in the conceived im- 
posture. Chremes, therefore, waited to know whe- 
ther Crito recognised the name of Pasibula, which, 
if tire story had been false, must have been un- 
known to him : for the high character of Pamphilus 
placed him beyond the reach of suspicion. 



p 3 



318 NOTES. 



NOTE 206. 

Simo. — Chremes, I hope you are convinced how sin- 
cerely we all rejoice at this discovery. 

S. Omnes nos gaudere hoc, Chreme ? 



Te credo credere. 

In many of the old editions of our author, this 
passage is written omneis nos gaudere ; this va- 
riation has a reference to the measure of the verse. 
I have seen one edition in which the line is written 
omnis nos gaudere. 



NOTE 207. 

Pa?n. — Oh ! that is certain. 
Simo. — / consent most joyfully. 

P. Nempe. S. Scilicet. 

Some commentators interpret these words from 
Pamphilus and Simo, (Nempe and Scilicet,) as a 
hint to Chremes, respecting the dowry which they 
expected to receive with Glycera ; and think that 
the actor who personates Simo ought to produce a 
bag of money, that he may " suit the action to the 
word." An ingenious critic, speaking of this vague 
and fanciful conjecture, observes, as follows : 
" This, surely, is a precious refinement, worthy 



NOTES. 



319 



the genius of a true commentator. Madame Da- 
cier, who entertains a just veneration for Donatus, 
doubts the authenticity of the observation, which is 
ascribed to him." Certainly, if either of the words 
could be wrested to such a meaning, it must be 
Nempe, but Terence has represented Pamphilus as 
a character, so noble, generous, and high-spirited, 
that we cannot consistently suppose that he would 
suffer any mercenary considerations to delay for a 
single moment his acceptance of his beloved Gly- 
cera, when offered to him by her father. 



NOTE 208. 

Chremes. — Pamphilus, my daughter's portion is ten 
talents. 



A Table of the Money current in Greece. 







equal to 


worth 


(St 


erling) 








£. 


s. 


d qrs. - 


Lepton 


. 


. 








O t ll 


Chalcus 


. 7 


Lepta 








Oji 


Dichalcus 


. 2 


Chalci . 








o U 


Hemiobolus 


. 2 


Dichalci 








2} 


Obolus 


. 2 


Hemioboli 








1 H 


Diobolus 


. 2 


Oboli 








2 3 


Triobolus 


. 3 


Oboli 








4 i 


Hemidrachm 


. 3 


Oboli . 








4 Of 


Tetrobolus \ 


. 4 


Oboli . 








5 2 


Pentobolus . 


. 5 


Oboli . 








6 3 i 


Drachm 


. 6 


Oboli . 
P 4 








8 



320 


XOTES. 












< 


equal to 


worth (sterlh 


tg-) 








£. 


s. 


J. 


qrs. 


Didrachm 


. 2 


Drachms 





1 


4 


2 


Tetradrackm . 


4 


Drachms 





2 


9 





Stater of silver 


. 4 


Drachms 





2 


9 





Pentadrachm 


5 


Drachms 





3 


5 


1 


Stater of gold 


25 


Drachms 





17 


2 


1 


Stater of Philip . 


28 


Drachms 





19 


3 





Stater of Alexander 


28 


Drachms 





19 


3 





Stater of Cyzicus . 


28 


Drachms 





19 


3 





Stater of Darius 


48 


Drachms 


1 


13 








Stater of Croesus 


4S 


Drachms 


1 


13 








Homerical talent . 


75 


Drachms 


2 


11 


6 


3 


Mina 


100 


Drachms 


3 


8 


9 





The smaller Ptolemaic 














talent. 


20 


Minae 


68 


15 








The smallerAntiochan 














talent 


60 


Minae 


206 


5 








The Attic talent 


60 


Minae 


206 


5 








The [ smaller Euboic 














talent 


60 


Minae 


206 


5 








The great Attic talent 


80 


Minae 


275 











The great Ptolemaic 




„ 










talent of Cleopatra 


86| 


Minae 


297 


18 


4 





The Eginean talent 


100 


Minae 


343 


15 








The Rhodian talent 


100 


Minae 


343 


15 








The insular talent 


120 


Minae ■ . 


412 


10 








The great Antiochan 














talent 


360 


Minae 


1237 


10 









Those who wish for complete information re- 
specting the ancient and modern real money, and 
money of account, may be fully satisfied by consult- 
ing the following writers on the subject. 



X0TES. 321 

Augustinus, Arbuthnot, Budseus, Boisard, Bir- 
clierod, Bonneville, Bouteroue, Camden, Du Bost, 
De Asse, Folkes, Fleetwood, Goltzius, Guthrie, 
Gerhart, Greaves, Hardouin, Joubert, Krause, 
Kelly, Lowndes, Le Blanc, Locke, Lord Liverpool, 
Marien, Morel, Mezzabarba, Norris, Occo, Oiselius, 
Patin, Pinkerton, Ricard, Richebourg, Raper, Si- 
mon, Snelling, Souciet, Seguin, Sirmond, Span- 
heim, Smith, Tristran, Ursinus, Vicus, Vaillant. 



NOTE 209. 

Simo, — Why do you not immediately give orders for 
her removal to our house ? 

Grecian women, in the situation in which Glycera 
is represented to have been, were usually well 
enough to go abroad in a litter in one day's time. 
This topic is introduced by the poet, in order that 
Davus may be spoken of, and delivered from con- 
finement; because his remaining in prison would 
have been contrary to the rules of comedy. 



p o 



322 NOTES. 



NOTE 210. 

Simo. — Because he is now carrying on things of great 
weight, and which touch him more nearly, 

Quia habet aliud magis ex sese et majus. 

There is a pun in the original, which I have at- 
tempted to preserve in the translation by a circum- 
locution which I trust on such an occasion will be 
deemed allowable. The critics remark, that Te- 
rence, by Simo's pleasantry, (vide Note 211,) in- 
tended to shew that he was thoroughly reconciled 
to his son. (Vide Note 92.J 



NOTE 211. 

Simo. — He is chained. 

Pam. — Ah ! dear Sir, that was not well done. 

Simo, — / am sure I ordered it to be well done. 

S. Vinctus est. 
P. Pater non recti vinctus est. S. Hand it a jussi. 

The jest in this sentence turns on the word recte., 
which refers to an Athenian custom of binding cri- 
minals' hands and feet together. Simo (A. 5. S. 3. 
p. 86.) orders Dromo to bind Davus in the manner 
before mentioned : (atque audiri ? quadrupedem 
constringito.) Pamphilus says, non rectt vinctus 



NOTES. 



32 



est : recte has a double meaning, it signifies rightly, 
and also straight. Simo pretends to take it in the 
latter sense, which makes his sons speech run 
thus, He is not bound straight or upright : to which 
Simo replies, / ordered he should not be bound 
straight, but crooked, or neck and heels. I trust 
I have made the force of this pun clear to the un- 
learned reader : the turn given it in the English 
translation is borrowed from Echard. 



NOTE 212. 

Pam. (to himself,) — Any one would think, perhaps, 
that I do not believe this to be true, but I know it 
is because I wish it so. I am of opinion, that the 
lives of the gods are eternal, because their pleasures 
are secure and without end. 

" Epicurus observed, that the gods could not but 
be immortal, since they are exempt from all kinds of 
evils, cares, and dangers. But Terence gives ano- 
ther more refined reason, which more forcibly ex- 
presses the joy of Pamphilus ; for he affirms that 
their immortality springs only from the durability 
of their pleasures. This passage is very beautiful. 
Pamphilus prefaces what he is going to say by the 
expression, " Any one would think 9 perhaps;" this 
was in a manner necessary to excuse the freedom 
which, arising from his joy, makes him assign 



324 NOTES. 

another reason for the immortality of the gods than 
those discovered by the philosophers, particularly 
by Epicurus, whose name was still fresh in the re- 
collection of every person, and whose doctrines 
were very generally received and adopted." Ma- 
dame Dacier. 



NOTE 213. 

Pam. — There is now no impediment to our marriage. 

Nee mora ulla est, quin jam uxorem ducam. 

Pamphilus does not mean by this expression, 
that he was not married before, but that now that 
he has his father's consent to his union, he can du- 
cere uxorem, lead his wife publicly to his own house 
with the usual ceremonies. The latter phrase du~ 
cere uxorem, to marry, took its rise from the cus- 
tom of leading the bride from her father's to her 
husband's house, in a ceremonial procession. For 
an account of the marriages of the Greeks, vide 
Notes 116, 117, 118. Marriages, among the Ro- 
mans, were of three kinds. The first, and most 
binding, by which women of rank and considera- 
tion were married, was called confarreatio : when 
the parties were joined by the high priest, in the 
presence of a great number of witnesses ; and ate a 
cake made of meal and salt. The second kind of 
marriage was usus, when the parties lived together 



notes. ; 325 

for one year. The third kind was called coemptio, 
or mutual purchase, in which the bride and bride- 
groom gave each other a piece of money, and re- 
peated over a set form of words. 



NOTE 214. 

Char, (aside.) — This man is dreaming of what he 
wishes when awake. 



Num ille somniat 



Ea, quag vigilans voluit. 

The optative influence, (if I may so call it,) on the 
visions of the night, here alluded to by Terence, has 
been described at length by a celebrated poet, in 
verses which charm the ear with their melody, and 
which command the approbation of the judgment as 
a faithful portraiture of nature. Their author 
wrote verses, which, in harmony of measure, ex- 
celled those of all the Roman poets, excepting Ovid* 

Omnia quaesensu volvuntur vota diurno, 
Pectore sopito, reddit arnica quies : 
Venator defessa toro cum membra reponit. 
Mens tamen ad sylvas, et sua lustra redit. 
Judicibus lites, aurige somnia currus, 
Vanaque nocturnis meta cavetur equis. 
Furto gaudet amans ; pennutat navita merces ; 
Et vigil elapsas quaerit avarus opes. 
Vatem Musarum studium sub nocte silenti 
Artibus assuetis solicitare solet.— Claudian, 



326 



NOTES. 



NOTE 215. 



Do you, Davus, go home, and order some of our 
people hither, to remove her to our house. Why 
do you loiter ? go, don't lose a moment. 

Davus. — / am going. You mu§t not expect their 
coming out : she will be betrothed within, &c. 

The concluding lines of the play from " You 
must not expect," &c 9 were not originally spoken 
by the actor who personated Davus, but formed a 
sort of epilogue, spoken by a performer, called 
Cantor; who also pronounced the word Plaudite, 
with which the comedies and tragedies of the Ro- 
mans usually terminated. Vide Note 217, also 
Quintilian, B. 6. C. I., and Cicero and Cato. 
Horace expressly tells us, that the Cantor said the 
words, vos plaudite, 

c< Tu quid ego, et populus mecum desideret audi. 
Si plausoris eges aulaea manentis, et usque 
Sessuri, donec Cantor vos plaudite dicat ; 
/Etatis cujusque notandi sunt tibi mores, 
Mobilibusque decor naturis dandus et annis." 

Art of Poet., L. 153. 

Attend, whilst I instruct thee how to please 
Him whose experience guides thee ; and the taste 
That rules the present age. If thou wouldst charm 
Our listening ears, until the scene be done ; 
And in our seats detain us till the Cantor 



NOTES. 327 

Requests applause ; give to each stage of life, 
Its attributes : and justly paint the changes, 
Wrought by the hand of Time. 



NOTE 216. 

You must not expect their coming out. 

Some editors give nearly twenty lines of dialogue 
between Chremes and Charinus respecting the 
marriage of the latter with Philumena, but those 
additional lines are spurious. The critics have de- 
cided that the play should terminate with the wind- 
ing up of Pamphilus's intrigue, and that that of 
Charinus should be left to the imagination : as the 
action must languish, if continued after the interest 
felt for the principal characters has subsided. 
Davus here addresses the spectators, as does My- 
sis, in A. 1. S. 4» Commentators deem this a ble- 
mish in the composition of the piece. These ad- 
dresses, in ancient comedies, were not, I imagine, 
made to the spectators in general, but to those per- 
sons who stood on the stage during the perform- 
ance, as the chorus, or as musicians. 



328 



NOTES. 



NOTE 217. 
Farewell, and clap your hands. 

" All the ancient copies have the Greek omega, 
£1, placed before the words, ' clap your hands, 9 
and before t Farewell, and clap your hands, 9 in 
other plays : ' [which/ says Eugraphius, * are the 
words of the prompter, who, at the end of the 
play, lifted up the curtain, and said to the audi- 
ence, c Farewell, and clap your hands :' thus far 
Faernus. Leng, at the end of every play, sub- 
scribes these words, Calliopius recensui, and says 
Calliopius was the prompter ; and he quotes the 
same words of Eugraphius, which I have here 
quoted from Faernus. If £2 stands for any thing 
more than i Finis, 9 (as some imagine to be placed 
there by transcribers to signify the end,) it may be 
designed for the first letter n$o<;, which is the Greek 
for Cantor : and Horace, in his art of poetry, says, 

Donee eantor vos plaudite dicat. 

" Bentley supposes this Cantor to have been Flac- 
cus the musician, (mentioned in the title,) who, 
when the play was over, entreated the favour of the 
audience : but I should rather think Calliopius to 
have been the Cantor, if there was any foundation 
in antiquity for his name being at the end of the 
plays ; but the name seems fictitious to me by the 



NOTES. 329 

etymology thereof, and it being used in this place. 
It is indeed at the end of every play, in all the 
three manuscripts in Dr. Mead's collection except 
Phormio, which is the last play in the prosaic 
copy ; and the only reason for Calliopius recensui 
not being there, is, doubtless, because the play is 
imperfect, some few verses being out at the con- 
clusion ; a precedes the farewell in one of the 
doctor's copies, o in another, and the largest copy 
has neither. What is independent of the action of 
the play, as the last two lines are, maybe looked 
upon as an epilogue, and was probably spoken by 
the same person, whether player, prompter, or 
cantor." — Cooke. 



NOTE 218. 

End of the fifth Act. 

At the end of a play, the Romans closed their 
scenes, which, instead of falling from the roof of 
the theatre downwards, as among the moderns, 
were constructed something similarly to the blinds 
of a carriage ; so that when the stage was to be 
exposed to the view of the spectators, the scene or 
curtain was let down, and when the piece was con- 
cluded, it was drawn up again. The ancients ori- 
ginally performed their plays in the open air, with 
no scenery but that furnished by nature. As they 



330 NOTES. 

became more refined, they erected theatres, and 
introduced scenes, which they divided into three 
kinds: 1. tragic, 2. comic, 3. pastoral. Some 
very valuable information on this subject may be 
gathered from M. Perrault's Notes on Vitruvius, 
who has described the various sorts of ancient 
scenes. Ovid/in the following verses, describes 
the original simplicity of the Roman dramatic en- 
tertainments : 

" Tunc neque marmoreo pendebant vela theatro, 
Nee fuerant liquido pulpita rubra croco. 
Illic quas tulerant nemorosa palatia frondes 
Simpliciter positae Scena sine arte fuit." 



FINIS. 



LONDON;: 

Printed by W. Clowes, Northumberland-court. 












^^ 



• 



















































*>\» 
^ 









^ "TV 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 

Mill 



ill Iliff ///// 1 

003 059 363 7 



